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An Historical Account 


Settlements of Scotch Highlanders 



Prior to the Peace of 1783 


Highland Regiments 


Biographical Sketches 


J.° P. MacLean, Ph. D. 

Life Member Gaelic Society of Glasgow, and Clan MacLean Association of 

Glasgow; Corresponding Member Davenport Academy of Sciences, and 

Western Reserve Historical Society; Author of History of Clan 

MacLean, Antiquity of Man, The Mound Builders, 

Mastodon, Mammoth and Man, Norse Discovery of 

America, Fingal's Cave, Introduction Study St. 

John's Gospel, Jewish Nature Worship, etc. 


ILL USTRA TED. %0 ■ k • 5f 

JOHN MACKAY, Glasgow. 


Highland Arms. 


Colonel Sir Fitzroy Donald MacLean, Bart., C. B., 

President of The Highland Society of London, 

An hereditary Chief, honored by his Clansmen at home and 
abroad, on account of the kindly interest he takes in their 
welfare, as well as everything that relates to the Highlands, 
and though deprived of an ancient patrimony, his virtues and 
patriotism have done honor to the Gael, this Volume is 

Respectfully dedicated by the 


" There's sighing and sobbing in yon Highland forest; 
There's weeping and wailing in yon Highland vale, 
And fitfully flashes a gleam from the ashes 
Of the tenantless hearth in the home of the Gael. 
There's a ship on the sea, and her white sails she's spreadin', 

A' ready to speed to a far distant shore; 
She may come hame again wi' the yellow gowd laden, 

But the sons of Glendarra shall come back no more. 

The gowan may spring by the clear-rinnin' burnie, 

The cushat may coo in the green woods again. 
The deer o' the mountain may drink at the fountain, 

Unfettered and free as the wave on the main; 
But the pibroch they played o'er the sweet blooming heather 

Is hushed in the sound of the ocean's wild roar; 
The song and the dance they hae vanish'd thegither, 

For the maids o' Glendarra shall come back no more." 


An attempt is here made to present a field that has not been 
preoccupied. The student of American history has noticed al- 
lusions to certain Scotch Highland settlements prior to the Revo- 
lution, without any attempt at either an account or origin of the 
same. In a measure the publication of certain state papers and 
colonial records, as well as an occasional memoir by an historical 
society have revived what had been overlooked. These settle- 
ments form a very important and interesting place in the early 
history of our country. While they may not have occupied a 
very prominent or pronounced position, yet their exertions in sub- 
duing the wilderness, their activity in the Revolution, and the 
wide influence exercised by the descendants of these hardy pio- 
neers, should, long since, have brought their history and achieve- 
ments into notice. 

The settlement in North Carolina, embracing a wide extent 
of territory, and the people numbered by the thousands, should, 
ere this, have found a competent exponent. But it exists more as 
a tradition than an actual colony. The Highlanders in Georgia 
more than acted their part against Spanish encroachments, yet 
survived all the vicissitudes of their exposed position. The stay 
of the Highlanders on the Mohawk was very brief, yet their flight 
into Canada and final settlement at Glengarry forms a very 
strange episode in the history of New York. The heartless treat- 
ment of the colony of Lachlan Campbell by the governor of the 
province of New York, and their long delayed recompense stands 
without a parallel, and is so strange and fanciful, that long since «t 
should have excited the poet or novelist. The settlements in 
Nova Scotia and Prince Edwards Island, although scarcely com- 

viii PREFA CM. 

menced at the breaking out of the Revolution, are more important 
in later events than those chronicled in this volume. 

The chapters on the Highlands, the Scotch-Irish, and the 
Darien scheme, have sufficient connection to warrant their in- 

It is a noticeable fact that notwithstanding the valuable ser- 
vices rendered by the Highland regiments in the French and In- 
dian war, but little account has been taken by writers, except in 
Scotland, although General David Stewart of Garth, as early as 
1822, clearly paved the way. Unfortunately, his works, as well 
as those who have followed him, are comparatively unknown on 
this side the Atlantic. 

I was led to the searching out of this phase of our history, not 
only by the occasional allusions, but specially from reading works 
devoted to other nationalities engaged in the Revolution. Their 
achievements were fully set forth and their praises sung. Why 
should not the oppressed Gael, who sought the forests of the New 
World, struggled in the wilderness, and battled against foes, also 
be placed in his true light? If properly known, the artist would 
have a subject for his pencil, the poet a picture for his praises, and 
the novelist a strong background for his romance. 

Cleveland, O., October, 1898. 



The Highlanders of Scotland. 

Division of Scotland — People of the Highlands — Language — Clanship 
— Chiefs — Customs — Special Characteristics — Fiery-Cross — Slogan — Modt 
of Battle — Forays — Feasts — Position of Woman — Marriage — Religious 
Toleration — Superstitions — Poets — Pipers — Cave of Coir-nan-Uriskin — The 
Harp — Gaelic Music — Costume — Scotland's Wars — War with Romans- 
Battle of Largs — Bannockburn — Flodden — Pinkie — Wars of Montrose — 
Bonnie Dundee — Earl of Mar — Prince Charles Stuart — Atrocities in the 
Wake of Culloden — Uncertainty of Travelers' Observations — Kidnapping 
— Emigration .' 17 


The Scotch-Irish in America. 

Origin of the name of Scotland — Scoto-Irish — Ulster — Clandonald — 
Protestant Colonies in Ireland — Corruption of Names — Percentage of in 
Revolution — Characteristics — Persecuted — Emigration from Ulster — First 
Scotch-Irish Clergyman in America — Struggle for Religious Liberty — Set- 
tlement at Worcester — History of the Potato — Pelham — Warren and 
Blandford — Colerain — Londonderry — Settlements in Maine — New York — 
New Jersey — Pennsylvania — The Revolution — Maryland — Virginia — Pat- 
rick Henry — Daniel Morgan — George Rogers Clark — North Carolina — Bat- 
tle of King's Mountain — South Carolina — Georgia — East Tennessee — Ken- 
tucky — Canada — Industrial Arts — Distinctive Characteristics 40 


Causes that Led to Emigration. 

Results of Clanship — Opposed to Emigration — Emigration to Ulster — 
Expatriation of 7000 — Changed Condition of Highlanders — Lands Rented 
— Dissatisfaction — Luxurious Landlords — Action of Chiefs in Skye — De- 
plorable State of Affairs — Sheep-Farming — Improvements — Buchanan's 
Description — Famine — Class of Emigrants — America — Hardships and Dis- 
appointments ^° 


Darien Scheme. 

First Highlanders in America — Disastrous Speculation — Ruinous Leg- 
islation — Massacre of Glencoe — Darien Scheme Projected — William Pater- 
son — Fabulous Dreams — Company Chartered — Scotland Excited — Sub- 

x COM II N is. 

Bcriptions Lis1 of Subscribers Spanish Sovereignty ovei Darien Eno 
1 1 1 1 [ealousj and Opposition Dutch Easl [ndia Company King Williams 
Duplicity English and Dutch Subscriptions Withdrawn (iicat I'n-para 
tions Purchase of Ships Sailing of First Expedition ■Settlement of St. 
Andrews Great Sufferings St, Andrews Abandoned The Caledonia and 
i in. «. in Arrive al New Yml; Recriminations The St. Andrews The 
Dolphin King Refuses Supplies Relief Senl Spaniards Aggressive 
Second Expedition Highlanders Disappointed Expectations Discordanl 
Clergy How New. was Received in Scotland Give Vent to Rage King 
William's Indifference Campbell of Fonab Escape Capitulation of Dai 
ien Colony Ships Destroyed Final End of Settlers 75 


Highlanders in North Carolina. 

On the ('ape Fear -Town Established Highlanders Patronized At 
rival of Neil McNeill Action of Legislature Lisl of Grantees Wave of 
Emigration Represented in Legislature (ninny Prosperous Stamp Act 
Genius oi Liberty Letter to Highlanders Emigrants from Jura Lands 
Allotted War of Regulators Campbelton Chartei Public Road Public 
Buildings al Campbelton Petition for Pardon Highland Costume clan 

Macdonald Emigration Allan Macdonald of Kingsbt gh American 

Revolution Sale of Public Offices Aliunde. if Patriots Provincial Con 
gress Highlanders Objects oi Consideration Reverend John McLeod 
Committee to Confei with Highlanders British Confidence Governoi 
Martin Provincial Congress of 177s Farquhard Campbell Arrival oi the 
George Othei Arrivals Oaths Administered Distressed Condition Pe 
tition to Virginia Convention War Party in the Ascendant American 
Views Highlanders Fail t<> Understand Conditions Reckless tndiffet 
ence of Leaders General Donald Macdonald British Campaign Govei 
nor Martin Manipulates a Revolt- -Macdonald's Manifesto Rutherford's 
Manifesto Highlanders in Rebellion Standard at Cross Creek March 
for Wilmington Country Alarmed Correspondence Battle of Moore's 
Creek Bridge Overthrow of Highlanders Prescribed Parole Prisoners 
Address < ongress Action of Sir William Howe Allan Macdonald's Let 
in On Parole Effects His Exchange Letter to Members of Congress 
Cornwallis to Clinton Military at Cross Creek Women Protected Relig 

inns Status 103 

Oil A I'd I'M VI. 

English Treatmenl of Poot [mprisonmenl for Debt Oglethorpe's 
Philantnropj Asylum Projected Oglethorpe Sails £01 Georgia Selects 
the Site of Savannah Fori Argyle ( olonisis of Different Nationalities 
Towns Established Why Highlanders were Selected Oglethorpe Returns 
to England Highland Emigrants I haracter of John Macleod hound 
ing of New Inverness Oglethorpe Sails fot Georgia Visits the Highland 
ers Fori St. Andrews Spaniards Aggressive Messengers Imprisoned 
Spanish Perfidy Suffering and Discontent in 1737 Dissension increa 1 
Removal Agitated African Slavery Prohibited Petition and Countet Pe 
tition Highlanders Oppose African Slaver) Insufficient Produce Raised 


— Murder of Unarmed Highlanders — Florida Invaded — St. Augustine 
Blockaded — Massacre of Highlanders at Fort Moosa — Failure of Expedi- 
tion — Conduct of William Macintosh — Indians and Carolinians Desert — 
Agent Reprimanded by Parliament — Clansmen at Darien — John MacLeod 
Abandons His Charge — Georgia Invaded — Highlanders Defeat the Enemy 
— Battle of Bloody Marsh — Spaniards Retreat — Ensign Stewart — Ogle- 
thorpe Again Invades Florida — Growth of Georgia — Record in Revolution 
— Resolutions — Assault on British War Vessels — Capture of — County of 
Liberty — Settlement Remained Highland 146 


Captain Lachlan Campeeli/s New York Colony. 

Lachlan Campbell — Donald Campbell's Memorial — Motives Control- 
ling Royal Governors — Governor Clarke to Duke of Newcastle — Same to 
Lords of Trade — Efforts of Captain Campbell — Memorial Rejected — Re- 
dress Obtained — Grand Scheme — List of Grantees — A Desperado — Town- 
ship of Argyle — Records of — Change of Name of County — Highland Sol- 
diers Occupy Lands — How Allotted — Selling Land Warrants — New Hamp- 
shire Grants — Ethan Allan — Revolution — An Incident — Indian Raid — Mas- 
sacre of Jane McCrea — Religious Sentiment 176 


Highland Settlement on the Mohawk. 

Sir William Johnson — Highlanders Preferred — Manner of Life — 
Changed State of Affairs — Sir John Johnson — Highlanders not Civic Offi- 
cers — Sir John Johnson's Movements Inimical — Tryon County Committee 
to Provincial Congress — Action of Continental Congress — Sir John to Gov- 
ernor Tryon — Action of General Schuyler — Sir John's Parole — Highland- 
ers Disarmed — Arms Retained — Highland Hostages — Instructions for Seiz- 
ing Sir John — Sir John on Removal of Highlanders — Flight of Highlanders 
to Canada — Great Sufferings — Lady Johnson a Hostage — Highland Settle- 
ment a Nest of Treason — Exodus of Highland Women — Some Families 
Detained — Letter of Helen McDonell — Regiment Organized — Butler's Ran- 
gers — Cruel Warfare — Fort Schuyler Besieged — Battle of Oriskany — 
Heroism of Captain Gardenier — Parole of Angus McDonald — Massacre of 
Wyoming — Bloodthirsty Character of Alexander McDonald — Indian 
Country Laid Waste — Battle of Chemung — Sir John Ravages Johnstown — 
Visits Schoharie with Fire and Sword — Flight from Johnstown — Exploit 
of Donald McDonald — Shell's Defence — List of Officers of Sir John John- 
son's Regiment — Settlement in Glengarry — Allotment of Lands — Story of 
Donald Grant — Religious Services Established 196 


Glenaladale Highlanders of Prince Edward Island. 

Highlanders in Canada — John Macdonald — Educated in Germany — 
Religious Oppression — Religion of the Yellow-Stick — Glenaladale Becomes 
Protector — Emigration — Company Raised Against Americans — Capture of 
American Vessel — Estimate of Glenaladale — Offered Governorship of 
Prince Edward Island 2 3i 



Highland Settlement in Pictou, Nova Scotia. 

, Emigration to Nova Scotia — Ship Hector — Sails from Lochbroom — 
Great Sufferings and Pestilence — Landing of Highlanders — Frightening of 
Indians — Bitter Disappointment — Danger of Starvation — False Reports — 
Action of Captain Archibald — Truro Migration — Hardships — Incidents of 
Suffering — Conditions of Grants of Land — Hector's Passengers — Interest- 
ing Facts Relative to Emigrants — Industries — Plague of Mice — American 
Revolution — Divided Sentiment — Persecution of American Sympathizers — 
Highlanders Loyal to Great Britain — Americans Capture a Vessel — Priva- 
teers — Wreck of the Malignant Man-of-YVar — Indian Alarm — Itinerant 
Preachers — Arrival of Reverend James McGregor 235 


First Highland Regiments in America. 

Cause of French and Indian War — Highlanders Sent to America — The 
Black Watch — Montgomery's Highlanders — Fraser's Highlanders — Uni- 
form of — Black Watch at Albany — Lord Loudon at Halifax — Surrender of 
Fort William Henry — Success of the French — Defeat at Ticonderoga — 
Gallant Conduct of Highlanders — List of Casualties — Expedition Against 
Louisburg — Destruction French Fleet — Capture of Louisburg — Expedition 
Against Fort Du Quesne — Defeat of Major Grant — Washington — Name 
Fort Changed to Fort Pitt — Battalions of 42nd United — Amherst Possesses 
Ticonderoga — Army at Crown Point — Fall of Quebec — Journal of Malcolm 
Fraser — Movements of Fraser's Highlanders — Battle of Heights of Abra- 
ham — Galling Fire Sustained by Highlanders — Anecdote of General Mur- 
ray — Retreat of French — Officers of the Black Watch — Highland Regi- 
ments Sail for Barbadoes — Return to New York — Black Watch Sent to 
Pittsburg — Battle of Bushy Run — Black W T atch Sent Against Ohio Indians 
— Goes to Ireland — Impressions of in America — Table of Losses — Mont- 
gomery Highlanders Against the Cherokees — Battle with Indians — Allan 
Macpherson's Tragic Death — Retreat from Indian Country — Return to 
New York — Massacre at Fort Loudon — Surrender of St. Johns — Tables of 
Casualties — Acquisition of French Territory a Source of Danger 252 


Scotch Hostility Towards America. 

Causes of American Revolution — Massacre at Lexington — Insult to 
Franklin — England Precipitates War — Americans Ridiculed — Pitt's Noble 
Defence — Attitude of Eminent Men — Action of Cities — No Enthusiasm in 
Enlistments in England and Ireland — The Press-Gang — Enlistment of 
Criminals — Sentiment of People of Scotland — Lecky's Estimate — Ad- 
dresses Upholding the King — Summary of Highland Addresses — Emigra- 
tion Prohibited — Resentment Against Highlanders — Shown in Original 
Draft of Declaration of Independence — Petitions of Donald Macleod..292 


Highland Regiments in American Revolution. 

Eulogy of Pitt — Organizing in America — Secret Instructions to Gov- 
ernor Tryon — Principal Agents — Royal Highland Emigrants — How Re- 


ceived— Colonel Maclean Saves Quebec— Siege of Quebec— First Battalion 
in Canada — Burgoyne's Doubts — Second Battalion — Sufferings of — Treat- 
ment of— Battle of Eutaw Springs— Royal Highland Emigrants Dis- 
charged—List of Officers— Grants of Land— John Bethune— 42nd or Royal 
Highlanders— Embarks for America — Capture of Highlanders — Capture of 
Oxford Transport— Prisoners from the Crawford— British Fleet Arrives at 
Staten Island — Battle of Long Island — Ardor of Highlanders — Americans 
Evacuate New York— Patriotism of Mrs. Murray — Peril of Putnam — Gal- 
lant Conduct of Major Murray— Battle of Harlem— Capture of Fort 
Washington— Royal Highlanders in New Jersey— Attacked at Pisquatiqua 
—Sergeant McGregor— Battle of Brandywine— Wayne's Army Surprised 
—Expeditions During Winter of 1779 — Skirmishing and Suffering — In- 
fusion of Poor Soldiers— Capture of Charleston— Desertions— Regiment 
Reduced— Sails for Halifax— Table of Casualties— Fraser's Highlanders- 
Sails for America — Capture of Transports — Reports of Captain Seth Hard- 
ing and Colonel Archibald Campbell— Confinement of Colonel Campbell — 
Interest in by Washington — Battle of Brooklin — Diversified Employment — 
Expedition Against Little Egg Harbor— Capture of Savannah— Retrograde 
Movement of General Prevost — Battle of Brier Creek — Invasion of South 
Carolina— Battle of Stono Ferry— Retreat to Savannah — Siege of — Cap- 
ture of Stony Point — Surrender of Charleston — Battle of Camden — Defeat 
of General Sumter— Battle of King's Mountain— Battle of Blackstocks— 
Battle of the Cowpens— Battle of Guilford Court-House — March of British 
Army to Yorktown — Losses of Fraser's Highlanders— Surrender of York- 
town— Highlanders Prisoners — Regiment Discharged at Perth — Argyle 
Highlanders — How Constituted— Sails for Halifax— Two Companies at 
Charleston — At Penobscot — Besieged by Americans — Regiment Returns to 
England — Macdonald's Highlanders — Sails for New York — Embarks for 
Virginia — Bravery of the Soldiers — Highlanders on Horseback — Surrender 
of Yorktown — Cantoned at Winchester — Removed to Lancaster — Dis- 
banded at Stirling Castle — Summary— Estimate of Washington— His Opin- 
ion of Highlanders — Not Guilty of Wanton Cruelty 308 


Distinguished Highlanders who Served in America in the Interests 

of Great Britain. 

General Sir Alan Cameron — General Sir Archibald Campbell — General 
John Campbell — Lord William Campbell — General Simon Eraser of Bal- 
nain — General Simon Fraser of Lovat — General Simon Fraser — General 
James Grant of Ballindalloch — General Allan Maclean of Torloisk — Sir 
Allan Maclean — General Francis Maclean — General John Small — Flora 
Macdonald 377 


Distinguished Highlanders in American Interests. 

General Alexander McDougall — General Lachlan Mcintosh — General 
Arthur St. Clair — Serjeant Macdonald 398 



Note A. — First Emigrants to America 417 

Note B. — Letter of Donald Macpherson 417 

Note C. — Emigration during the Eighteenth Century 419 

Note D. — Appeal to the Highlanders lately arrived from Scotland 422 

Note E. — Ingratitude of the Highlanders 426 

Note F. — Were the Highlanders Faithful to iheir Oath to the Amer can-. 426 

Note G. — Marvellous Escape of Captain McArthur 430 

Note H. — Highlanders in South Carolina 442 

Note I. — Alexander McNaughton 443 

Note J. — Allan McDonald's Complaint to the President of Congress. . . .444 

Note K. — The Glengarry Settlers 44=; 

Note to Chapter VIII 448 

Note L. — Moravian Indians 448 

Note M. — Highlanders Refused Lands in America 450 

Note N. — Captain James Stewart commissioned to raise a company 

Highlanders 453 

List of Subscribers 456 


Battle of Culloden Frontispiece 

Coire-nan-Uriskin 2 6 

House of Henry McWhorter 5 2 

View of Battle-Field of Alamance 55 

Scottish India House 9° 

Barbacue Church, where Flora Macdonald Worshipped 144 

Johnson Hall 204 

View of the Valley of Wyoming 218 

Highland Officer 256 

Old Blockhouse Fort Duquesne 281 

General Sir Archibald Campbell 397 

Brigadier General Simon Fraser 382 

General Simon Fraser of Loval 3^7 

Sir Allan Maclean, Bart 39* 

Flora Macdonald 394 

General Alexander McDougall 39§ 

General Lachlan Mcintosh 4 02 

General Arthur St. Clair 4°5 

Sergeant Macdonald and Colonel Gainey 4 X 3 



American Archives. 

Answer of Cornwallis to Clinton. London, 1783. 

Bancroft (George.) History of the United States, London, N. D. 

Burt (Captain.) Letters from the North of Scotland. London, 1815. 

Burton (J. H.) Darien Papers, Bannatyne Club, 1840. 

Burton (J. H.) History of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1853. 

Celtic Monthlv. Inverness, 1876-1888. 

Georgia Historical Society Collections. 

Graham (James J.) Memoirs General Graham. Edinburgh, 1862. 

Hotten (J. C.) List of Emigrants to America, New York, 1874. 

Johnson (C.) History Washington County, New York. Philadelphia, 1878. 

Keltie (J. S.). History of the Highland Clans. Edinburgh, 1882. 

Lecky (W. E. H.) History of England, London, 1892. 

Lossing (B. J.) Field-Book of the American Revolution. New York, 1855. 

Macaulay (T. B.) History of England, Boston, N. D. 

McDonald (H.) Letter-Book, New York Historical Society, 1892. 

Macdonell (J. A.) Sketches of Glengarry. Montreal. 1893. 

McLeod (D.) Brief Review of the Settlement of Upper Canada, Cleveland, 

1 84 1. 
Martin (M.) Description Western Isles, Glasgow, 1884. 
National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans. Philadelphia, 1852. 
New York Documentary and Colonial History. 
North Carolina Colonial Record. 

Paterson (J.) History Pictou County, Nova Scotia, Montreal, 1893. 
Proceedings Scotch-Irish American Congress. 1S89-1896. 
Rogers (H.) Hadden's Tournal and Orderlv Book. Albanv, 1884. 
Scott (Sir W.) Lady of the Lake. New Yofk. N. D. 
Scott (Sir W.) Tales of a Grandfather, Boston. 1852. 
Smith (Wniiam) History of New York, New York, 1814. 
Smith (W. H.) St. Clair Papers, Cincinnati, 1882. 
Sparks (Jared) Writings of Washington, Boston, 1837. 
Stephens (W. B.) History of Georgia. New York. 1859. 
St. Clair (Arthur.) Narrative, Philadelphia, 1812. 
Stewart (David.) Sketches of the Highlanders. Edinburgh. 1822. 
Stone (W. L. ) Life of Joseph Brant, New York. 1838. 
Stone (W. L.) Orderly Book of Sir John Johnson, Albany. 1882. 
Tarleton (Lieut. Col.) Campaigns of. 1780-1781. London, 1787. 
Washington and his Generals, Philadelphia, 1848. 

The Highlanders of Scotland. 

A range of mountains forming a lofty and somewhat shat- 
tered rampart, commencing in the county of Aberdeen, north of 
the river Don, and extending in a south-west course across the 
country, till it terminates beyond Ardmore, in the county of Dum- 
barton, divides Scotland into two distinct parts. The southern 
face of these mountains is bold, rocky, dark and precipitous. The 
land south of this line is called the Lowlands, and that to the 
north, including the range, the Highlands. The maritime out- 
line of the Highlands is also bold and rocky, and in many places 
deeply indented by arms of the sea. The northern and western 
coasts are fringed with groups of islands. The general surface of 
the country is mountainous, yet capable of supporting innumer- 
able cattle, sheep and deer. The scenery is nowhere excelled for 
various forms of beauty and sublimity. The lochs and bens have 
wrought upon the imaginations of historians, poets and novel- 

The inhabitants living within these boundaries were as unique 
as their bens and glens. From the middle of the thirteenth cen- 
tury they have been distinctly marked from those inhabiting the 
low countries, in consequence of which they exhibit a civilization 
peculiarly their own. By their Lowland neighbors they were im- 
perfectly known, being generally regarded as a horde of savage 
thieves, and their country as an impenetrable wilderness. From 
this judgment they made no effort to free themselves, but rather 
inclined to confirm it. The language spoken by the two races 
greatly varied which had a tendency to establish a marked char- 
acteristic difference between them. For a period of seven cen- 
turies the entrances or passes into the Grampians constituted a 
boundary between both the people and their language. At the 

H .v.v.v: .o ry::< :.\ <.vr:-:.\\< 

s*«m the S \ .. language *s ersa s \4sen. while beyond 
the range the Gaelic fanned the mother tongue, acoxnponied by 
the plaid, the cJaymore and other specialties whkh accompanied 

and least mongrel types & gw in £unuy oi speech. 

The country in which the Gaelic was in common use among 
all d- people may be defined by a line drawn from the 

^e BentJand Fri: qpmg aronnd St KUdau 

® thence embracing- the entire ctnsts stands ta the east and 

van ; thence to the Mull of Kir. I - . . wring 

the mainland at Ardmore, in I>ombartonshire. following the 

:hera -asrqsaKs to Aberdeenshire, and ending on 

:'-.i -. -: ;.-.<: v :-.: .:" 7-A :':.:• :css 

c • - " - - 

- : ; . : ■ : ;.- 

ig the present cent: 
have v 3»em who hs. . sen :2a their r - 

--,v--; « . - -•>. "r.-;<< "--e- weighed the qp. • 

; ;:' ■> - c>: 

.^sngSi. whkh developed in the HqgMlander firmnc- Je- 
- jdu fertSKry in r. - rdar in frwtt&shiiijpv. fl©v e 

u .- ;. ge «* rons enltftausaasum. as weE as a sysmar § vernment. 

The Hollanders wer\ st weffll teemed and har; 

Eariy marriages were unknown among 

- a a husfoamd. The? «*<e not ofoMged I n forming their 

'" . - - ■ . _ ■ . -.r, ----- - - - - - - 

. - ; - :~;:-- • 

- : -■; - v : - .v ; --" : - " ~ :~ :'-'.' - : "■:.:■: ~;s:: :;•: " - :. :'. 
:'"-:' >:•: . : - >: ' : - : » : - - . >--:.'"> :"::"-- 


Under little or no restraint from the State, the patriarchal form of 
government became universal. 

It is a singular fact that although English ships had navi- 
gated the known seas and transplanted colonies, yet the High- 
landers were but little known in London, even as late as the be- 
ginning of the eighteenth century. To the people of England 
it would have been a matter of surprise to learn that in the north 
of Great Britain, and at a distance of less than five hundred miles 
from their metropolis, there were many miniature courts, in each 
of which there was a hereditary ruler, attended by guards, armor- 
bearers, musicians, an orator, a poet, and who kept a rude state, 
dispensed justice, exacted tribute, waged war, and contracted 

The ruler of each clan was called a chief, who was really the 
chief man of his family. Each clan was divided into branches 
who had chieftains over them. The members of the clan claimed 
consanguinity to the chief. The idea never entered into the mind 
of a Highlander that the chief was anything more than the head 
of the clan. The relation he sustained was subordinate to the 
will of the people. Sometimes his sway was unlimited, but nec- 
essarily paternal. The tribesmen Were strongly attached to the 
person of their chief. He stood in the light of a protector, who 
must defend them and right their wrongs. They rallied to his sup- 
port, and in defense they had a contempt for danger. The sway 
of the chief was of such a nature as to cultivate an imperishable 
love of independence, which was probably strengthened by an 
exceptional hardiness of character. 

The chief generally resided among his clansmen, and his 
castle was the court where rewards were distributed and distinc- 
tions conferred. All disputes were settled by his decision. They 
followed his standard in war, attended him in the chase, supplied 
his table and harvested the products of his fields. His nearest 
kinsmen became sub-chiefs, or chieftains, held their lands and 
properties from him, over which they exercised a subordinate 
jurisdiction. These became counsellors and assistants in all 
emergencies. One chief was distinguished from another by hav- 
ing a greater number of attendants, and by the exercise of gen- 


eral hospitality, kindness and condescension. At the castle every- 
one was made welcome, and treated according to his station, with 
a degree of courtesy and regard for his feelings. This courtesy 
not only raised the clansman in his own estimation, but drew the 
ties closer that bound him to his chief. 

While the position of chief was hereditary, yet the heir was 
obliged in honor to give a specimen of his valor, before he was 
assumed or declared leader of his people. Usually he made an 
incursion upon some chief with whom his clan had a feud. He 
gathered around him a retinue of young men who were ambitious 
to signalize themselves. They were obliged to bring, by open 
force, the cattle they found in the land they attacked, or else die 
in the attempt. If successful the youthful chief was ever after 
reputed valiant and worthy of the government. This custom 
being reciprocally used among them, was not reputed robbery; 
for the damage which one tribe sustained would receive com- 
pensation at the inauguration of its chief. 

Living in a climate, severe in winter, the people inured them- 
selves to the frosts and snows, and cared not for the exposure 
to the severest storms or fiercest blasts. They were content to 
lie down, for a night's rest, among the heather on the hillside, in 
snow or rain, covered only by their plaid. It is related that the 
laird of Keppoch, chieftain of a branch of the MacDonalds, in a 
winter campaign against a neighboring clan, with whom he was 
at war, gave orders for a snow-ball to lay under his head in the 
night; whereupon, his followers objected, saying, "Now we de- 
spair of victory, since our leader has become so effeminate he can't 
sleep without a pillow." 

The high sense of honor cultivated by the relationship sus- 
tained to the chief was reflected by the most obscure inhabitant. 
Instances of theft from the dwelling houses seldom ever occurred, 
and highway robbery was never known. In the interior all prop- 
erty was safe without the security of locks, bolts and bars. In 
summer time the common receptacle for clothes, cheese, and 
everything that required air, was an open barn or shed. On ac- 
count of wars, and raids from the neighboring clans, it was found 
necessary to protect the gates of castles. 


The Highlanders were a brave and high-spirited people, and 
living under a turbulent monarchy, and having neighbors, not the 
most peaceable, a warlike character was either developed or else 
sustained. Inured to poverty they acquired a hardihood which 
enabled them to sustain severe privations. In their school of life 
it was taught to consider courage an honorable virtue and cowar- 
dice the most disgraceful failing. Loving their native glen, they 
were ever ready to defend it to the last extremity. Their own 
good name and devotion to the clan emulated and held them to 
deeds of daring. 

It was hazardous for a chief to engage in war without the 
consent of his people; nor could deception be practiced success- 
fully. Lord Murray raised a thousand men on his father's and 
lord Lovat's estates, under the assurance that they were to serve 
king James, but in reality for the service of king William. This 
was discovered while Murray was in the act of reviewing them ; 
immediately they broke ranks, ran to an adjoining brook, and, 
filling their bonnets with water, drank to king James' health, 
and then marched off with pipes playing to join Dundee. 

The clan was raised within an incredibly short time. When 
a sudden or important emergency demanded the clansmen the 
chief slew a goat, and making a cross of light wood, seared its 
extremities with fire, and extinguished them in the blood of the 
animal. This was called the Fiery Cross, or Cross of Shame, 
because disobedience to what the symbol implied inferred infamy. 
It was delivered to a swift trusty runner, who with the utmost 
speed carried it to the first hamlet and delivered it to the principal 
person with the word of rendezvous. The one receiving it sent 
it with the utmost despatch to the next village ; and thus with the 
utmost celerity it passed through all the district which owed al- 
legiance to the chief, and if the danger was common, also among 
his neighbors and allies. Every man between the ages of sixteen 
and sixty, capable of bearing arms, must immediately repair to 
the place of rendezvous, in his best arms and accountrements. In 
extreme cases childhood and old age obeyed it. He who failed 
to appear suffered the penalties of fire and sword, which were 
emblematically denounced to the disobedient by the bloody and 
burnt marks upon this warlike signal. 


In the camp, on the march, or in battle, the clan was com- 
manded by the chief. If the chief was absent, then some respon- 
sible chieftain of the clan took the lead. In both their slogan 
guided them, for every clan had its own war-cry. Before com- 
mencing an attack the warriors generally took off their jackets and 
shoes. It was long remembered in Lochabar, that at the battle of 
Killiecrankie, Sir Ewen Cameron, at the head of his clan, just 
before engaging in the conflict, took from his feet, what was 
probably the only pair of shoes, among his tribesmen. Thus 
freed from everything that might impede their movements, they 
advanced to the assault, on a double-quick, and when within a few 
yards of the enemy, would pour in a volley of musketry and then 
rush forward with claymore in hand, reserving the pistol and 
dirk for close action. When in close quarters the bayonets of the 
enemy were received on their targets ; thrusting them aside, they 
resorted to the pistol and dirk to complete the confusion made by 
the musket and claymore. In a close engagement they could not 
be withstood by regular troops. 

Another kind of warfare to which the Highlander was prone, 
is called Creach, or foray, but really the lifting of cattle. The 
Creach received the approbation of the clan, and was planned 
by some responsible individual. Their predatory raids were not 
made for the mere pleasure of plundering their neighbors. To 
them it was legitimate warfare, and generally in retaliation for 
recent injuries, or in revenge of former wrongs. They were strict 
in not offending those with whom they were in amity. They had 
high notions of the duty of observing faith to allies and hospital- 
ity to guests. They were warriors receiving the lawful prize of 
war, and when driving the herds of the Lowland farmers up the 
pass which led to their native glen considered it just as legitimate 
as did the Raleighs and Drakes when they divided the spoils of 
Spanish galleons. They were not always the aggressors. Every 
evidence proves that they submitted to grievances before resort- 
ing to arms. When retaliating it was with the knowledge that 
their own lands would be exposed to rapine. As an illustration 
of the view in which the Creach was held, the case of Donald 
Cameron may be taken, who was tried in 1752, for cattle stealing, 


and executed at Kinloch Rannoch. At his execution he dwelt 
with surprise and indignation on his fate. He had never commit- 
ted murder, nor robbed man or house, nor taken anything but 
cattle, and only then when on the grass, from one with whom he 
was at feud ; why then should he be punished for doing that which 
was a common prey to all ? 

After a successful expedition the chief gave a great enter- 
tainment, to which all the country around was invited. On such 
an occasion whole deer and beeves were roasted and laid on boards 
or hurdles of rods placed on the rough trunks of trees, so ar- 
ranged as to form an extended table. During the feast spiritu- 
ous liquors went round in plenteous libations. Meanwhile the 
pipers played, after which the women danced, and, when they re- 
tired, the harpers were introduced. 

Great feasting accompanied a wedding, and also the burial of 
a great personage. At the burial of one of the Lords of the Isles, 
in Iona, nine hundred cows were consumed. 

The true condition of a people may be known by the regard 
held for woman. The beauty of their women was extolled in 
song. Small eye-brows was considered as a mark of beauty, and 
names were bestowed upon the owners from this feature. No 
country in Europe held woman in so great esteem as in the High- 
lands of Scotland. An unfaithful, unkind, or even careless hus- 
band was looked upon as a monster. The parents gave dowers ac- 
cording to their means, consisting of cattle, provisions, farm 
stocking, etc. Where the parents were unable to provide suf- 
ficiently, then it was customary for a newly-married couple to 
collect from their neighbors enough to serve the first year. 

The marriage vow was sacredly kept. Whoever violated it, 
whether male or female, which seldom ever occurred, was made 
to stand in a barrel of cold water at the church door, after which 
the delinquent, clad in a wet canvas shirt, was made to stand be- 
fore the congregation, and at the close of service, the minister 
explained the nature of the offense. A separation of a married 
couple among the common people was almost unknown. How- 
ever disagreeable the wife might be, the husband rarely con- 
templated putting her away. Being his wife, he bore with her 


failings ; as the mother of his children he continued to support 
her ; a separation would have entailed reproach upon his posterity. 

Young married women never wore any close head-dress. 
The hair, with a slight ornament was tied with ribbons ; but if she 
lost her virtue then she was obliged to wear a cap, and never ap- 
pear again with her head uncovered. 

Honesty and fidelity were sacredly inculcated, and held to 
be virtues which all should be careful to practice. Honesty and 
fair dealing were enforced by custom, which had a more powerful 
influence, in their mutual transactions, than the legal enactments 
of later periods. Insolvency was considered disgraceful, and 
prima facie a crime. Bankrupts surrendered their all, and then 
clad in a party colored clouted garment, with hose of different 
sets, had their hips dashed against a stone in presence of the peo- 
ple, by four men, each seizing an arm or a leg. Instances of 
faithfulness and attachment are innumerable. The one most 
frequently referred to occurred during the battle of Inverkeithing, 
between the Royalists and the troops of Cromwell, during which 
seven hundred and fifty of the Mac Leans, led by their chief, Sir 
Hector, fell upon the field. In the heat of the conflict, eight 
brothers of the clan sacrificed their lives in defense of their chief. 
Being hard pressed by the enemy, and stoutly refusing to 
change his position, he was supported and covered by these in- 
trepid brothers. As each brother fell another rushed forward, 
covering his chief with his body, crying Fear eil air son Eachainn 
(Another for Hector). This phrase has continued ever since as 
a proverb or watch-word when a man encounters any sudden 
danger that requires instant succor. 

The Highlands of Scotland is the only country of Europe 
that has never been distracted by religious controversy, or suf- 
fered from religious persecution. This possibly may have been 
due to their patriarchal form of government. The principles of 
the Christian religion were warmly accepted by the people, and 
cherished with a strong feeling. In their religious convictions 
they were peaceable and unobtrusive, never arming themselves 
with Scriptural texts in order to carry on offensive operations. 
Never being perplexed by doubt, they desired no one to corrob- 


orate their faith, and no inducement could persuade them to strut 
about in the garb of piety in order to attract respect. The rever- 
ence for the Creator was in the heart, rather than upon the lips. 
In that land papists and protestants lived together in charity and 
brotherhood, earnest and devoted in their churches, and in con- 
tact with the world, humane and charitable. The pulpit admin- 
istrations were clear and simple, and blended with an impressive 
and captivating spirit. All ranks were influenced by the belief 
that cruelty, oppression, or other misconduct, descended to the 
children, even to the third and fourth generations. 

To a certain extent the religion of the Highlander was blend- 
ed with a belief in ghosts, dreams and visions. The superstitions 
of the Gael were distinctly marked, and entirely too important to 
be overlooked. These beliefs may have been largely due to an 
uncultivated imagination and the narrow sphere in which he 
moved. His tales were adorned with the miraculous and his 
poetry contained as many shadowy as substantial personages. In 
numerable were the stories of fairies,kelpies, urisks, witches and 
prophets or seers. Over him watched the Daoine Shi', or men of 
peace. In the glens and corries were heard the eerie sounds dur- 
ing the watches of the night. Strange emotions were aroused in 
the hearts of those who heard the raging of the tempest, the roar- 
ing of the swollen rivers and dashing of the water-fall, the thun- 
der peals echoing from crag to crag, and the lightning rending 
rocks and shivering to pieces the trees. When a reasonable cause 
could not be assigned for a calamity it was ascribed to the opera- 
tions of evil spirits. The evil one had power to make compacts, 
but against these was the virtue of the charmed circle. One of the 
most dangerous and malignant of beings was the Water-kelpie, 
which allured women and children into its element, where they 
were drowned, and then became its prey. It could skim along the 
surface of the water, and browse by its side, or even suddenly 
swell a river or loch, which it inhabited, until an unwary traveller 
might be engulfed. The Urisks were half-men, half-spirits, who, 
by kind treatment, could be induced to do a good turn, even to 
the drudgeries of a farm. Although scattered over the whole 
Highlands, they assembled in the celebrated cave — Coire-nan- 
U risk in — situated near the base of Ben Venue, in Aberfoyle. 




"By many a bard, in Celtic tongue, 
Has Coir-nan-Uriskin been sung: 
A softer name the Saxons gave, 
And call'd the grot the Goblin-cave, 

Gray Superstition's whisper dread 
Debarr'd the spot to vulgar tread ; 
For there, she said, did fays resort, 
And satyrs hold their sylvan court." — 

Lady of the Lake. 

The Daoine Shi' were believed to be a peevish, repining race 
of beings, who, possessing but a scant portion of happiness, envied 
mankind their more complete and substantial enjoyments. They 
had a sort of a shadowy happiness, a tinsel grandeur, in their 
subterranean abodes. Many persons had been entertained in their 
secret retreats, where they were received into the most splendid 
apartments, and regaled with sumptuous banquets and delicious 
wines. Should a mortal, however, partake of their dainties, then 
he was forever doomed to the condition of shi'ick, or Man of 


Peace. These banquets and all the paraphernalia of their homes 
were but deceptions. They dressed in green, and took offense 
at any mortal who ventured to assume their favorite color. 
Hence, in some parts of Scotland, green was held to be unlucky to 
certain tribes and counties. The men of Caithness alleged that 
their bands that wore this color were cut off at the battle of Flod- 
den ; and for this reason they avoided the crossing of the Ord on 
a Monday, that being the day of the week on which the ill-omened 
array set forth. This color was disliked by both those of the 
name of Ogilvy and Graham. The greatest precautions had to 
be taken against the Daoine Shi' in order to prevent them from 
spiriting away mothers and their newly-born children. Witches 
and prophets or seers, were frequently consulted, especially before 
going into battle. The warnings were not always received with 
attention. Indeed, as a rule, the chiefs were seldom deterred 
from their purpose by the warnings of the oracles they consulted. 

It has been advocated that the superstitions of the Highland- 
ers, on the whole, were elevating and ennobling, which plea can- 
not well be sustained. It is admitted that in some of these supersti- 
tions there were lessons taught which warned against dishonor- 
able acts, and impressed what to them were attached disgrace 
both to themselves and also to their kindred ; and that oppression, 
treachery, or any other wickedness would be punished alike in 
their own persons and in those of their descendants. Still, on the 
other hand, it must not be forgotten that the doctrines of rewards 
and punishments had for generations been taught them from the 
pulpit. How far these teachings had been interwoven with their 
superstitions would be an impossible problem to solve. 

The Highlanders were poetical. Their poets, or bards, were 
legion, and possessed a marked influence over the imaginations 
of the people. They excited the Gael to deeds of valor. Their 
compositions were all set to music, — many of them composing 
the airs to which their verses were adapted. Every chief had 
his bard. The aged minstrel was in attendance on all important 
occasions : at birth, marriage and death ; at succession, victory, 
and defeat. He stimulated the warriors in battle by chanting the 
glorious deeds of their ancestors ; exhorted them to emulate those 


distinguished examples, and, if possible, shed a still greater lustre 
on the warlike reputation of the clan. These addresses were de- 
livered with great vehemence of manner, and never failed to 
raise the feelings of the listeners to the highest pitch of enthusi- 
asm. When the voice of the bard was lost in the din of battle 
then the piper raised the inspiring sound of the pibroch. When 
the conflict was over the bard and the piper were again called 
into service — the former to honor the memory of those who had 
fallen, to celebrate the actions of the survivors, and excite them 
to further deeds of valor. The piper played the mournful Coro- 
nach for the slain, and by his notes reminded the survivors how 
honorable was the conduct of the dead. 

The bards were the senachies or historians of the clans, and 
were recognized as a very important factor in society. They rep- 
resented the literature of their times. In the absence of books 
they constituted the library and learning of the tribe. They were 
the living chronicles of past events, and the depositories of popu- 
lar poetry. Tales and old poems were known to special reciters. 
When collected around their evening fires, a favorite pastime was 
a recital of traditional tales and poetry. The most acceptable 
guest was the one who could rehearse the longest poem or most 
interesting tale. Living in the land of Ossian, it was natural to 
ask a stranger, "Can you speak of the days of Fingal?" If the 
answer was in the affirmative, then the neighbors were summoned, 
and poems and old tales would be the order until the hour of mid- 
night. The reciter threw into the recitation all the powers of 
his soul and gave vent to the sentiment. Both sexes always par- 
ticipated in these meetings. 

The poetry was not always of the same cast. It varied as 
greatly as were the moods of the composer. The sublimity of 
Ossian had its opposite in the biting sarcasm and trenchant ridi- 
cule of some of the minor poets. 

Martin, who travelled in the Western Isles, about 1695, re- 
marks : "They are a very sagacious people, quick of apprehension, 
and even the vulgar exceed all those of their rank and education 
I ever yet saw in any other country. They have a great genius 
for music and mechanics. I have observed several of their chil- 
dren that before they could speak were capable to distinguish 


and make choice of one tune before another upon a violin ; for 
they appeared always uneasy until the tune which they fancied 
best was played, and then they expressed their satisfaction by 
the motions of their head and hands. There are several of them 
who invent tunes already taking in the South of Scotland and 
elsewhere. Some musicians have endeavored to pass for first in- 
ventors of them by changing their name, but this has been im- 
practicable ; for whatever language gives the modern name, the 
tune still continues to speak its true original. * * *. Some of 
both sexes have a quick vein of poetry, and in their language — 
which is very emphatic — they compose rhyme and verse, both 
which powerfully affect the fancy. And in my judgment (which 
is not singular in this matter) with as great force as that of any 
ancient or modern poet I ever read. They have generally very 
retentive memories ; they see things at a great distance. The 
unhappiness of their education, and their want of converse with 
foreign nations, deprives them of the opportunity to cultivate and 
beautify their genius, which seems to have been formed by nature 
for great attainments." * 

The piper was an important factor in Highland society. From 
the earliest period the Highlanders were fond of music and danc- 
ing, and the notes of the bagpipe moved them as no other instru- 
ment could. The piper performed his duty in peace as well as 
in war. At harvest homes, Hallowe'en christenings, weddings, 
and evenings spent in dancing, he was the hero for the occasion. 
The people took delight in the high-toned warlike-notes to which 
they danced, and were charmed with the solemn and melancholy 
airs which filled up the pauses. Withal the piper was a humorous 
fellow and was full of stories. 

The harp was a very ancient musical instrument, and was 
called clarsach. It had thirty strings, with the peculiarity that 
the front arm was not perpendicular to the sounding board, but 
turned considerably towards the left, to afford a greater opening 
for the voice of the performer, and this construction showed that 
the accompaniment of the voice was a chief province of the 
harper. Some harps had but four strings. Great pains were 
taken to decorate the instrument. One of the last harpers was 
Roderick Morrison, usually called Rory Dall. He served the 
chief of Mac Leod. He flourished about 1650. 

Referring again to Gaelic music it may be stated that its air 

* "Description of the Western Islands," pp. 199, 200. 


can easily be detected. It is quaint and pathetic, moving one 
with intervals singular in their irregularity. When compared with 
the common airs among the English, the two are found to be 
quite distinct. The airs to which "Scots wha hae," "Auld Lang- 
syne," "Roy's Wife," "O a' the Airts," and "Ye Banks and Braes" 
are written, are such that nothing similar can be found in Eng- 
land. They are Scottish. Airs of precisely the same character 
are, however, found among all Keltic races. 

No portraiture of a Highlander would be complete without 
a description of his garb. His costume was as picturesque as his 
native hills. It was well adapted to his mode of life. By its 
lightness and freedom he was enabled to use his limbs and 
handle his arms with ease and dexterity. He moved with great 
swiftness. Every clan had a plaid of its own, differing in the 
combination of its colors from all others. Thus a Cameron, a 
Mac Donald, a Mac Kenzie, etc., was known by his plaid ; and in 
like manner the Athole, Glenorchy, and other colors of different 
districts were easily discernible. Besides those of tribal desig- 
nations, industrious housewives had patterns, distinguished by the 
set, superior quality, and fineness of the cloth, or brightness and 
variety of the colors. The removal of tenants rarely occurred, 
and consequently, it was easy to preserve and perpetuate any par- 
ticular set, or pattern, even among the lower orders. The plaid 
was made of fine wool, with much ingenuity in sorting the colors. 
In order to give exact patterns the women had before them a piece 
of wood with every thread of the stripe upon it. Until quite re- 
cently it was believed that the plaid, philibeg and bonne.t formed 
the ancient garb. The philibeg or kilt, as distinct from the plaid, 
in all probability, is comparatively modern. The truis, consisting 
of breeches and stockings, is one piece and made to fit closely to 
the limbs, was an old costume. The belted plaid was a piece of 
tartan two yards in breadth, and four in length. It surrounded 
the waist in great folds, being firmly bound round the loins with 
a leathern belt, and in such manner that the lower side fell down 
to the middle of the knee joint. The upper part was fastened to 
the left shoulder with a large brooch or pin, leaving the right arm 
uncovered and at full liberty. In wet weather the plaid was 


thrown loose, covering both shoulders and body. When the 
use of both arms was required, it was fastened across the breast 
by a large bodkin or circular brooch. The sporan, a large purse 
of goat or badger's skin, usually ornamented, was hung before. 
The bonnet completed the garb. The garters were broad and of 
rich colors, forming a close texture which was not liable to 
wrinkle. The kilted-plaid was generally double, and when let 
down enveloped the whole person, thus forming a shelter from the 
storm. Shoes and stockings are of comparatively recent times. 
In lieu of the shoe untanned leather was tied with thongs around 
the feet. Burt, writing about the year 1727, when some innova- 
tions had been made, says : "The Highland dress consists of a 
bonnet made of thrum without a brim, a short coat, a waistcoat 
longer by five or six inches, short stockings, and brogues or pumps 
without heels * * * Few besides gentlemen wear the truis, that 
is, the breeches and stockings all of one piece and drawn on to- 
gether; over this habit they wear a plaid, which is usually three 
yards long and two breadths wide, and the whole garb is made of 
checkered tartan or plaiding ; this with the sword and pistol, is 
called a full dress, and to a well proportioned man with any tol- 
erable air, it makes an agreeable figure."* The plaid was the 
undress of the ladies, and to a woman who adjusted it with an 
important air, it proved to be a becoming veil. It was made of 
silk or fine worsted, checkered with various lively colors, two 
breadths wide and three yards in length. It was brought over the 
head and made to hide or discover the face, according to the occa- 
sion, or the wearer's fancy ; it reached to the waist behind ; one 
corner dropped as low as the ankle on one side, and the other 
part, in folds, hung down from the opposite arm. The sleeves 
were of scarlet cloth, closed at the ends as man's vests, with gold 
lace round them, having plate buttons set with fine stones. The 
head-dress was a fine kerchief of linen, straight about the head. 
The plaid was tied before on the breast, with a buckle of silver or 
brass, according to the quality of the person. The plaid was tied 
round the waist with a belt of leather. 

The Highlanders bore their part in all of Scotland's wars. 
An appeal, or order, to them never was made in vain. Only a 

* "Letters from the North," Vol. II., p. 167. 


brief notice must here suffice. Almost at the very dawn of Scot- 
land's history we find the inhabitants beyond the Grampians 
taking a bold stand in behalf of their liberties. The Romans 
early triumphed over England and the southern limits of Scotland. 
In the year 78 A. D., Agricola, an able and vigorous commander, 
was appointed over the forces in Britain. During the years 80, 
81, and 82, he subdued that part of Scotland south of the friths 
of Forth and Clyde. Learning that a confederacy had been 
formed to resist him at the north, during the summer of 83, he 
opened the campaign beyond the friths. His movements did not 
escape the keen eyes of the mountaineers, for in the night time 
they suddenly fell upon the Ninth Legion at Loch Ore, and were 
only repulsed after a desperate resistance. The Roman army 
receiving auxiliaries from the south, Agricola, in the summer of 
84, took up his line of march towards the Grampians. The 
northern tribes, in the meantime, had united under a powerful 
leader whom the Romans called Galgacus. They fully realized 
that their liberties were in danger. They sent their wives and 
children into places of safety, and, thirty thousand strong, waited 
the advance of the enemy. The two armies came together at 
Mons Grampius. The field presented a dreadful spectacle of 
carnage and destruction; for ten thousand of the tribesmen fell 
in the engagement. The Roman army elated by its success passed 
the night in exultation. The victory was barren of results, for, 
after three years of persevering warfare, the Romans were forced 
to relinquish the object of the expedition. In the year 183 the 
Highlanders broke through the northern Roman wall. In 207 
the irrepressible people again broke over their limits, which 
brought the emperor Severus, although old and in bad health, 
into the field. Exasperated by their resistance the emperor sought 
to extirpate them because they had prevented his nation from 
becoming the conquerors of Europe. Collecting a large body of 
troops he directed them into the mountains, and marched from the 
wall of Antoninus even to the very extremity of the island ; but 
this year, 208, was also barren of fruits. Fifty thousand Ro- 
mans fell a prey to fatigue, the climate, and the desultory assaults 
of the natives. Soon after the entire country north of the 


Antonine wall, was given up, for it was found that while it was 
necessary for one legion to keep the southern parts in subjection 
two were required to repel the incursions of the Gael. Incursions 
from the north again broke out during the year 306, when the 
restless tribes were repelled by Constantius Chlorus. In the year 
345 they were again repelled by Constans. During all these 
years the Highlanders were learning the art of war by their con- 
tact with the Romans. They no longer feared the invaders, for 
about the year 360, they advanced into the Roman territories and 
committed many depredations. There was another outbreak 
about the year 398. Finally, about the year 446, the Romans 
abandoned Britain, and advised the inhabitants, who had suf- 
fered from the northern tribes, to protect themselves by retiring 
behind and keeping in repair the wall of Severus. 

The people were gradually forming for themselves distinct 
characteristics, as well as a separate kingdom confined within the 
Grampian boundaries. This has been known as the kingdom of 
the Scots ; but to the Highlander as that of the Gael, or Alba- 
nich. The epithets, Scots and English, are totally unknown in 
Gaelic. They call the English Sassanachs, the Lowlanders are 
Gauls, and their own countrv Gaeldach. 

Passing over several centuries and paying no attention to 
the rapines of the Danes and the Norse, we find that the power 
of the Norwegians, under king Haco, was broken at the battle 
of the Largs, fought October 2d, 1263 . King Alexander III. 
summoned the Highlanders, who rallied to the defence of their 
country and rendered such assistance as was required. The right 
wing of the Scottish army was composed of the men of Argyle, 
Lennox, Athole, and Galloway, while the left wing was consti- 
tuted by those from Fife, Stirling, Berwick, and Lothian. The 
center, commanded by the king in person, was composed of the 
men of Ross, Perth, Angus, Mar, Mearns, Moray, Inverness, 
and Caithness. 

The conquest of Scotland, undertaken by the English Ed- 
wards, culminated in the battle of Bannockburn, fought Monday, 
June 24, 1 3 14, when the invaders met with a crushing defeat, 
leaving thirty thousand of their number dead upon the field, or 


two-thirds as many as there were Scots on the field. In this bat- 
tle the reserve, composed of the men of Argyle, Carrick, Kintyre, 
and the Isles, formed the fourth line, was commanded by Bruce 
in person. The following clans, commanded in person by their 
respective chiefs, had the distinguished honor of fighting nobly: 
Stewart, Macdonald, Mackay, Mackintosh, Macpherson, Cam- 
eron, Sinclair, Drummond, Campbell, Menzies, Maclean, Suther- 
land, Robertson, Grant, Fraser, Macfarlane, Ross, Macgregor, 
Munro, Mackenzie, and Macquarrie, or twenty-one in all. 

In the year 15 13, James IV. determined on an invasion of 
England, and summoned the whole array of his kingdom to meet 
him on the common moor of Edinburgh. One hundred thousand 
men assembled in obedience to the command. This great host 
met the English on the field of Flodden, September 9th. The right 
divisions of James' army were chiefly composed of Highlanders. 
The shock of the mountaineers, as they poured upon the English 
pikemen, was terrible ; but the force of the onslaught once sus- 
tained became spent with its own violence. The consequence was 
a total rout of the right wing accompanied by great slaughter. 
Of this host there perished on the field fifteen lords and chiefs 
of clans. 

During the year 1547, the English, under the duke of Somer- 
set, invaded Scotland. The hostile armies came together at 
Pinkie, September 18th. The right and left wings of the Scottish 
army were composed of Highlanders. During the conflict the 
Highlanders could not resist the temptation to plunder, and, while 
thus engaged, saw the division of Angus falling back, though in 
good order ; mistaking this retrograde movement for a flight, they 
were suddenly seized with a panic and ran off in all directions. 
Their terror was communicated to other troops, who immediately 
threw away their arms and followed the Highlanders. Every- 
thing was now lost; the ground over which the fight lay was as 
thickly strewed with pikes as a floor with rushes ; helmets, buck- 
lers, swords, daggers, and steel caps lay scattered on every side; 
and the chase beginning at one o'clock, continued till six in the 
evening with extraordinary slaughter. 

During the reign of Charles I. civil commotions broke out 


which shook the kingdom with great violence. The Scots were 
courted by king and parliament alike. The Highlanders were 
devoted to the royal government. In the year 1644 Montrose 
made a diversion in the Highlands. With dazzling rapacity, at 
first only supported by a handful of followers, but gathering 
numbers with success, he erected the royal standard at Dumfries. 
The clans obeyed his summons, and on September 1st, at Tipper- 
muir, he defeated the Covenanters, and again on the 12th at the 
Bridge of Dee. On February 2nd, 1645, at Inverlochy, he crushed 
the Argyle Campbells, who had taken up the sword on behalf 
of Cromwell. In rapid succession other victories were won at 
Auldearn, Alford and Kilsyth. All Scotland now appeared to 
be recovered for Charles, but the fruit of all these victories was 
lost by the defeat at Philiphaugh, September 13th, 1645. 

Within the brief space of three years, James II., of England, 
succeeded in fanning the revolutionary elements both in Eng- 
land and Scotland into a flame which he was powerless to quench. 
The Highlanders chiefly adhered to the party of James which re- 
ceived the name of Jacobites. Dundee hastened to the Highlands 
and around him gathered the Highland chiefs at Lochabar. The 
army of William, under Hugh Mackay, met the forces of 
Dundee at Killiecrankie, July 29th, 1689, where, under 
the spirited leadership of the latter, and the irresistible torrent 
of the Highland charge, the forces of the former were almost an- 
nihilated ; but at the moment of victory Bonnie Dundee was killed 
by a bullet. No one was left who was equal to the occasion, or 
who could hold the clans together, and hence the victory was in 
reality a defeat. 

The exiled Stuarts looked with a longing eye to that crown 
which their stupid folly had forfeited. They seemed fated to 
bring countless woes upon the loyal hearted, brave, self-sacrific- 
ing Highlanders, and were ever eager to take advantage of any cir- 
cumstance that might lead to their restoration. The accession 
of George I, in 1714, was an unhappy event for Great Britain. 
Discontent soon pervaded the kingdom. All he appeared to care 
about was to secure for himself and his family a high position, 
which he scarcely knew how to occupy ; to fill the pockets of his 


German attendants and his German mistresses ; to get away as 
often as possible from his uncongenial islanders whose language 
he did not understand, and to use the strength of Great Britain 
to obtain petty advantages for his German principality. At once 
the new king exhibited violent prejudices against some of the 
chief men of the nation, and irritated without a cause a large part 
of his subjects. Some believed it was a favorable opportunity 
to reinstate the Stuart dynasty. John Erskine, eleventh earl of 
Mar, stung by studied and unprovoked insults, on the part of the 
king, proceeded to the Highlands and placed himself at the head 
of the forces of the house of Stuart, or Jacobites, as they were 
called. On September 6, 171 5, Mar assembled at Aboyne the 
noblemen, chiefs of clans, gentlemen, and others, with such fol- 
lowers as could be brought together, and proclaimed James, king 
of Great Britain. The insurrection, both in England and Scot- 
land, began to grow in popularity, and would have been a success 
had there been at the head of affairs a strong military man. Nearly 
all the principal chiefs of the clans were drawn into the movement. 
At Sheriffmuir, the contending forces met, Sunday, November 
13, 1715. The victory was with the Highlanders, but Mar's mili- 
tary talents were not equal to the occasion. The army was finally 
disbanded at Aberdeen, in February, 1716. 

The rebellion of 1745, headed by prince Charles Stuart, was 
the grandest exhibition of chivalry, on the part of the High- 
landers, that the world has ever seen. They were actuated by an 
exalted sense of devotion to that family, which for generations, 
they had been taught should reign over them. At first victory 
crowned their efforts, but all was lost on the disastrous field of 
Culloden, fought April 16, 1746. 

Were it possible it would be an unspeakable pleasure to 
drop a veil over the scene, at the close of the battle of Culloden. 
Language fails to depict the horrors that ensued. It is scarcely 
within the bounds of belief that human beings could perpetrate 
such atrocities upon the helpless, the feeble, and the innocent, 
without regard to sex or age, as followed in the wake of the 
victors. Highland historians have made the facts known. It 
must suffice here to give a moderate statement from an English 
writer : 


"Quarter was seldom given to the stragglers and fugitives, 
except to a few considerately reserved for public execution. No 
care or compassion was shown to their wounded ; nay more, on 
the following day most of these were put to death in cold blood, 
with a cruelty such as never perhaps before or since has disgraced 
a British army. Some were dragged from the thickets or cabins 
where they had sought refuge, drawn out in line and shot, while 
others were dispatched by the soldiers with the stocks of their 
muskets. One farm-building, into which some twenty disabled 
Highlanders had crawled, was deliberately set on fire the next day, 
and burnt with them to the ground. The native prisoners were 
scarcely better treated ; and even sufficient water was not vouch- 
safed to their thirst. * * * * Every kind of havoc and outrage 
was not only permitted, but, I fear, we must add, encouraged. 
Military license usurped the place of law, and a fierce and ex- 
asperated soldiery were at once judge — jury — executioner. * * 
* * The rebels' country was laid waste, the houses plundered, 
the cabins burnt, the cattle driven away. The men had fled to the 
mountains, but such as could be found were frequently shot ; nor 
was mercy always granted even to their helpless families. In 
many cases the women and children, expelled from their homes 
and seeking shelter in the clefts of the rocks, miserably perished 
of cold and hunger ; others were reduced to follow the track of 
the marauders, humbly imploring for the blood and offal of 
their own cattle which had been slaughtered for the soldiers' food ! 
Such is the avowal which historical justice demands. But let 
me turn from further details of these painful and irritating scenes, 
or of the ribald frolics and revelry with which they were inter- 
mingled — races of naked women on horseback for the amuse- 
ment of the camp at Fort Augustus." * 

The author and abettor of these atrocities was the son of the 
reigning monarch. 

Not satisfied with the destruction which was carried into the 
very homes of this gallant, brave and generous race of people, 
the British parliament, with a refined cruelty, passed an act that, 
on and after August i, 1747, any person, man, or boy, in Scot- 
land, who should on any pretense whatever wear any part of the 
Highland garb, should be imprisoned not less than six months ; 
and on conviction of second offense, transportation abroad for 
seven years. The soldiers had instructions to shoot upon the 

* Lord Mahon's "History of England," Vol. Ill, pp. 308-311. 


spot any one seen wearing the Highland garb, and this as late as 
September, 1750. This law and other laws made at the same time 
were unnecessarily severe. 

However impartial or fair a traveller may be his statements 
are not to be accepted without due caution. He narrates that 
which most forcibly attracts his attention, being ever careful to 
search out that which he desires. Yet, to a certain extent, de- 
pendence must be placed in his observations. From certain 
travellers are gleaned fearful pictures of the Highlanders 
during the eighteenth century, written without a due considera- 
tion of the underlying causes. The power of the chiefs had been 
weakened, while the law was still impotent, many of them were 
in exile and their estates forfeited, and landlords, in not a few 
instances, placed over the clansmen, who were inimical to their 
best interests. As has been noticed, in 1746 the country was 
ravaged and pitiless oppression followed. Destruction and misery 
everywhere abounded. To judge a former condition of a people 
by their present extremity affords a distorted view of the picture. 

Fire and sword, war and rapine, desolation and atrocity, 
perpetrated upon a high-spirited and generous people, cannot 
conduce to the best moral condtion. Left in poverty and galled 
by outrage, wrongs will be. resorted to which otherwise would 
be foreign to a natural disposition. If the influences of a more 
refined age had not penetrated the remote glens, then a rougher 
reprisal must be expected. The coarseness, vice, rapacity, and 
inhumanity of the oppressor must of necessity have a corres- 
ponding influence on their better natures. If to this it be added 
that some of the chiefs were naturally fierce, the origin of the sad 
features could readily be determined. Whatever vices practiced 
or wrongs perpetrated, the example was set before them by their 
more powerful and better conditioned neighbors. Among the 
crimes enumerated is that some of the chiefs increased their 
scanty incomes by kidnapping boys or men, whom they sold as 
slaves to the American planters. If this be true, and in all pro- 
bability it was, there must have been confederates engaged in 
maritime pursuits. But they did not have far to go for this les- 
son, for this nefarious trade was taught them, at their very doors, 


by the merchants of Aberdeen, who were "noted for a scandalous 
system of decoying young boys from the country and selling them 
as slaves to the planters in Virginia. It was a trade which in the 
early part of the eighteenth century, was carried on to a con- 
siderable extent through the Highlands ; and a case which took 
place about 1742 attracted much notice a few years later, when 
one of the victims having escaped from servitude, returned to Aber- 
deen, and published a narrative of his sufferings, seriously impli- 
cating some of the magistracy of the town. He was prosecuted 
and condemned for libel by the local authorities, but the case 
was afterwards carried to Edinburgh. The iniquitous system 
of kidnapping was fully exposed, and the judges of the supreme 
court unanimously reversed the verdict of the Aberdeen authori- 
ties and imposed a heavy fine upon the provost, the four bailies, 
and the dean of guild. * * * An atrocious case of this kind, 
which shows clearly the state of the Highlands, occurred in 
1739. Nearly one hundred men, women and children were seized 
in the dead of night on the islands of Skye and Harris, pinioned, 
horribly beaten, and stowed away in a ship bound for America, 
in order to be sold to the planters. Fortunately the ship touched 
at Donaghadee in Ireland, and the prisoners, after undergoing 
the most frightful sufferings, succeeded in escaping."* 

Under existing circumstances it was but natural that the 
more enterprising, and especially that intelligent portion who had 
lost their heritable jurisdiction, should turn with longing eyes to 
another country. America offered the most inviting asylum. 
Although there was some emigration to America during the first 
half of the eighteenth century, yet it did not fairly set in until 
about 1760. Between the years 1763 and 1775 over twenty thous- 
and Highlanders left their homes to seek a better retreat in the 
forests of America. 

* Lecky's "History of England," Vol. II, p. 274. 


The Scotch-Irish in America. 

The name Scotland was never applied to that country, now 
so designated, before the tenth century, but was called Alban, 
Albania, Albion. At an early period Ireland was called Scotia, 
which name was exclusively so applied before the tenth century. 
Scotia was then a territorial or geographical term, while Scotus 
was a race name or generic term, implying people as well as 

country. "The generic term of Scoti embraced the people of that 
race whether inhabiting Ireland or Britain. As this term of Sco- 
tia was a geographical term derived from the generic name of a 
people, it was to some extent a fluctuating name, and though ap- 
plied at first to Ireland, which possessed the more distinctive name 
of Hibernia, as the principal seat of the race from whom the name 
was derived, it is obvious that, if the people from whom the name 
was taken inhabited other countries, the name itself would have a 
tendency to pass from the one to the other, according to the prom- 
inence which the different settlements of the race assumed in the 
history of the world ; and as the race of the Scots in Britain be- 
came more extended, and their power more formidable, the terri- 
torial name would have a tendency to fix itself where the race had 
become most conspicuous. * * * The name in its Latin form of 
Scotia, was transferred from Ireland to Scotland in the reign of 
Malcolm the Second, who reigned from 1004 to 1034. The 'Pic- 
tish Chronicle,' compiled before 997, knows nothing of the name 
of Scotia as applied to North Britain ; but Marianus Scotus, who 
lived from 1028 to 1081, calls Malcolm the Second 'rex Scotiae,' 
and Brian, king of Ireland, 'rex Hibcrniae.' The author of the 
'Life of St. Cadroe,' in the eleventh century, likewise applies the 
name of Scotia to North Britain." * 

A strong immigration early set in from the north of Ireland to 
the western parts of Scotland. It was under no leadership, but 
more in the nature of an overflow, or else partaking of the spirit 

♦Skene's " Chronicles of the Picts and Scots," p. 77. 


of adventure. This was accelerated in the year 503, when a new 
colony of Dalriadic Scots, under the leadership of Fergus, son of 
Ere, left Ireland and settled on the western coast of Argyle and 
the adjacent isles. From Fergus was derived the line of Scoto- 
Irish kings, who finally, in 843, ascended the Pictish throne. 

The inhabitants of Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland 
were but branches of the same Keltic stock, and their language 
was substantially the same. There was not only more or less 
migrations between the two countries, but also, to a greater or 
less extent, an impinging between the people. 

Ulster, the northern province of Ireland, is composed of the 
counties of Antrim, Armagh, Cavan, Donegal, Down, Ferma- 
nagh, Londonderry, Monaghan and Tyrone. Formerly it was 
the seat of the O'Neills, as well as the lesser septs of O'Donnell, 
O'Cahan, O'Doherty, Maguire, MacMahon, etc. The settle- 
ments made by the earlier migrations of the Highlanders were 
chiefly on the coast of Antrim. These settlements were connected 
with and dependent on the Clandonald of Islay and Kintyre. The 
founder of this branch of that powerful family was John Mor, 
second son of "the good John of Islay," who, about the year 1400, 
married Majory Bisset, heiress of the Glens, in Antrim, and thus 
acquired a permanent footing. The family was not only strength- 
ened by settling cadets of its own house as tenants in the territory 
of the Glens, but also by intermarriages with the families of O'- 
Neill, O'Donnell, and others. In extending its Irish possessions 
the Clandonald was brought into frequent conflicts and feuds 
with the Irish of Ulster. In 1558 the Hebrideans had become 
so strong in Ulster that the archbishop of Armagh urged on the 
government the advisability of their expulsion by procuring their 
Irish neighbors, O'Donnell, O'Neill, O'Cahan, and others, to 
unite against them. In 1565 the MacDonalds suffered a severe 
defeat at the hands of Shane O'Neill, earl of Tyrone. The Scot- 
tish islanders still continued to exercise considerable power. 
Sorley Buy MacDonald, a man of great courage, soon extended 
his influence over the adjacent territories, in so much so that in 
1 575-1 585, the English were forced to turn their attention to the 
progress of the Scots. The latter having been defeated, an agree- 


ment was made in which Sorley Buy was granted four districts. 
His eldest son, Sir James MacSorley Buy, or MacDonell of Dun- 
luce, became a strenuous supporter of the government of James on 
his accession to the British throne. 

In the meantime other forces were at work. Seeds of dis- 
content had been sown by both Henry VIII, and his daughter 
Elizabeth, who tried to force the people of Ireland to accept the 
ritual of the Reformed Church. Both reaped abundant fruit of 
trouble from this ill-advised policy. Being inured to war it did 
not require much fire to be fanned into a flame of commotion and 
discord. Soon after his accession to the English throne, James I 
caused certain estates of Irish nobles, who had engaged in trea- 
sonable practices, to be escheated to the crown. By this confisca- 
tion James had at his disposal nearly six counties in Ulster, em- 
bracing half a million of acres. These lands were allotted to 
private individuals in sections of one thousand, fifteen hundred, 
and two thousand acres, each being required to support an ade- 
quate number of English or Scottish tenantry. Protestant colo- 
nies were transplanted from England and Scotland, but chiefly 
from the latter, with the intent that the principles of the Refor- 
mation should subdue * the turbulent natives. The proclama- 
tion inviting settlers for Ulster was dated at Edinburgh, March 
28, 1609. Great care was taken in selecting the emigrants, to 
which the king gave his personal attention. Measures were 
taken that the settlers should be "from the inward parts of Scot- 
land," and that they should be so located that "they may not mix 
nor inter-marry" with "the mere Irish." For the most part the 
people were received from the shires of Dumbarton, Renfrew, 
Ayre, Galloway, and Dumfries. On account of religious perse- 
cutions, in 1665, a large additional accession was received from 
Galloway and Ayre. The chief seat of the colonization scheme 
was in the county of Londonderry. The new settlers did not 
mix with the native population to any appreciable extent, es- 
pecially prior to 1741, but mingled freely with the English Puri- 
tans and the refugee Huguenots. The native race was forced 
sullenly to retire before the colonists. Although the king had ex- 
pressly forbidden any more of the inhabitants of the Western Isles 


to be taken to Ulster, yet the blood of the Highlander, to a great 
degree, permeated that of the Ulsterman, and had its due weight 
in forming the character of the Scotch-Irish. The commotions 
in the Highlands, during the civil wars, swelled the number to 
greater proportions. The rebellions of 171 5 and 1745 added a 
large percentage to the increasing population. The names of the 
people are interesting, both as illustrating their origin, and as 
showing the extraordinary corruptions which some have under- 
gone. As an illustration, the proscribed clan MacGregor, may be 
cited, which migrated in great numbers, descendants of whom are 
still to be found under the names of Grier, Greer, Gregor, etc., 
the Mac in general being dropped ;MacKinnon becomes McKen- 
na, McKean, McCannon ; Mac Nish is McNeice, Menees, Munnis, 
Monies, etc. 

The Scotch settlers retained the characteristic traits of their 
native stock and continued to call themselves Scotch, although 
molded somewhat by surrounding influences. They demanded 
and exercised the privilege of choosing their own spiritual ad- 
visers, in opposition to all efforts of the hierarchy of England 
to make the choice and support the clergy as a state concern. 

From the descendants of these people came the Scotch-Irish 
emigrants to America, who were destined to perform an im- 
portant part on the theatre of action by organizing a successful 
revolt and establishing a new government. Among the early 
emigrants to the New World, although termed Scotch-Irish, and 
belonging to them we have such names as Campbell, Ferguson, 
Graham, McFarland, McDonald, McGregor, Mclntyre, McKen- 
zie, McLean, McPherson, Morrison, Robertson, Stewart, etc., all 
of which are distinctly Highlander and suggestive of the clans. 

On the outbreak of the American Revolution the thirteen 
colonies numbered among their inhabitants about eight hundred 
thousand Scotch and Scotch-Irish, or a little more than one- 
fourth of the entire population. They were among the first to 
become actively engaged in that struggle, and so continued until 
the peace, furnishing fourteen major-generals, and thirty briga- 
dier generals, among whom may be mentioned St. Clair, Mc- 
Dougall, Mercer, Mcintosh, Wayne, Knox, Montgomery, Sulli- 


van, Stark, Morgan, Davidson, and others. More than any 
other one element, unless the New England Puritans be excepted, 
they formed a sentiment for independence, and recruited the con- 
tinental army. To their valor, enthusiasm and dogged persis- 
tence the victory for liberty was largely due. Washington pro- 
nounced on them a proud encomium when he declared, during the 
darkest period of the Revolution, that if his efforts should fail, 
then he would erect his standard on the Blue Ridge of Virginia. 
Besides warring against the drilled armies of Britain on the sea 
coast they formed a protective wall between the settlements and 
the savages on the west. 

Among the fifty-six signers of the • Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, nine were of this lineage, one of whom, McKean, served 
continuously in Congress from its opening in 1774 till its close 
in 1783, during a part of which time he was its president, and 
also serving as chief justice of Pennsylvania. The chairman of 
the committee that drafted the constitution of the United States, 
Rutledge, was, by ancestry, Scotch-Irish. When the same instru- 
ment was submitted, the three states first to adopt it were the 
middle states, or Delaware, Pennsylvania and New Jersey, so 
largely settled by the same class of people. 

Turning again specifically to the Scotch-Irish emigrants it 
may be remarked that they had received in the old country a 
splendid physique, having large bones and sound teeth, besides 
being trained to habits of industry. The mass of them were men 
of intelligence, resolution, energy, religious and moral in char- 
acter. They were a God-fearing, liberty-loving, tyrant-hating, 
Sabbath-keeping, covenant-adhering race, and schooled by a dis- 
cipline made fresh and impressive by the heroic efforts at Derry 
and Enniskillin. Their women were fine specimens of the sex, 
about the medium height, strongly built, with fair complexion, 
light blue or grey eyes, ruddy cheeks, and faces indicating a 
warm heart, intelligence and courage ; and possessing those vir- 
tues which constitute the redeeming qualities of the human race. 

These people were martyrs for conscience sake. In 171 1 a 
measure was carried through the British parliament that pro- 
vided that all persons in places of profit or trust, and all common 


councilmen in corporations, who, while holding office, were proved 
to have attended any Nonconformist place of worship, should 
forfeit the place, and should continue incapable of public em- 
ployment till they should depose that for a whole year they had 
not attended a conventicle. A fine of £40 was added to be paid 
to the informer. There were other causes which assisted to help 
depopulate Ulster, among which was the destruction of the 
woolen trade about 1700, when twenty thousand left that prov- 
ince. Many more were driven away by the Test Act in 1704, 
and in 1732. On the failure to repeal that act the protestant 
emigration recommenced which robbed Ireland of the bravest de- 
fenders of English interests and peopled America with fresh 
blood of Puritanism. 

The second great wave of emigration from Ulster occurred 
between 1771 and 1773, growing out of the Antrim evictions. 
In 1 77 1 the leases on the estate of the marquis of Donegal, in 
Antrim, expired. The rents were placed at such an exhorbitant 
figure that the demands could not be met. A spirit of resentment 
to the oppressions of the landed proprietors at once arose, and 
extensive emigration to America was the result. In the two 
years that followed the Antrim evictions of 1772, thirty thou- 
sand protestants left Ulster for a land where legal robbery could 
not be permitted, and where those who sowed the seed could reap 
the harvest. From the ports of the North of Ireland one hun- 
dred vessels sailed for the New World, loaded with human beings. 
It has been computed that in 1773 and during the five preceding 
years, Ulster, by emigration to the American settlements, was 
drained of one-quarter of the trading cash, and a like proportion 
of its manufacturing population. This oppressed people, leaving 
Ireland in such a temper became a powerful adjunct in the prose- 
cution of the Revolution which followed so closely on the wrongs 
which they had so cruelly suffered. 

The advent of the first Scotch-Irish clergyman in America, 
so far as is now known, was in 1682, signalled by the arrival of 
Francis Makemie, the father of American Presbyterianism. Al- 
most promptly he was landed in jail in New York, charged with 
the offense of preaching the gospel in a private house. Assisted 


by a Scottish lawyer from Philadelphia (who was silenced for his 
courage), he defended the cause of religious liberty with heroic 
courage and legal ability, and was ultimately acquitted by a fear- 
less New York jury. Thus was begun the great struggle for re- 
ligious liberty in America. Among those who afterwards fol- 
lowed were George McNish, from Ulster, in 1705, and John 
Henry, in 1709. 

Early in the spring of 17 18, Rev. William Boyd arrived in 
Boston as an agent of some hundreds of people who had expressed 
a desire to come to New England should suitable encourage- 
ment be offered them. With him he brought a brief memorial to 
which was attached three hundred and ninteen names, all but thir- 
teen of which were in a fair and vigorous hand. Governor Shute 
gave such general encouragement and promise of welcome, that 
on August 4, 17 18, five small ships came to anchor at the wharf 
in Boston, having on board one hundred and twenty Scotch-Irish 
families, numbering in all about seven hundred and fifty individ- 
uals. In years they embraced those from the babe in arms to John 
Young, who had seen the frosts of ninety-five winters. Among 
the clergy who arrived were James McGregor, Cornwell, and 

In a measure these people were under the charge of Governor 
Shute. He must find homes for them. He dispatched about 
fifty of these families to Worcester. That year marked the fifth 
of its permanent settlement, and was composed of fifty log-houses, 
inhabited by two hundred souls. The new comers appear to have 
been of the poorer and more illiterate class of the five ship loads. 
At first they were welcomed, because needed for both civic and 
military reasons. In September of 1722 a township organization 
was effected, and at the first annual town meeting, names of the 
strangers appear on the list of officers. With these emigrants 
was brought the Irish potato, and first planted in the spring of 
1719. When their English neighbors visited them, on their de- 
parture they presented them with a few of the tubers for planting, 
and the recipients, unwilling to show any discourtesy, accepted the 
same, but suspecting a poisonous quality, carried them to the 
first swamp and threw them into the water. The same spring a 


few potatoes were given to a Mr. Walker, of Andover, by a 
family who had wintered with him. He planted them in the 
ground, and in due time the family gathered the "balls" which 
they supposed was the fruit. These were cooked in various ways, 
but could not be made palatable. The next spring when plowing 
the garden, potatoes of great size were turned up, when the mis- 
take was discovered. This introduction into New England is the 
reason why the now indispensable succulent is called "Irish pota- 
to." This vegetable was first brought from Virginia to Ireland 
in 1565 by slave-trader Hawkins, and from there it found its 
way to New England in 17 18, through the Scotch-Irish. 

The Worcester Scotch-Irish petitioned to be released from 
paying taxes to support the prevalent form of worship, as they 
desired to support their own method. Their prayer was con- 
temptuously rejected. Two years later, or in 1738, owing to 
their church treatment, a company consisting of thirty-eight fami- 
lies, settled the new town of Pelham, thirty miles west of Wor- 
cester. The scandalous destruction of their property in Worcester, 
in 1740, caused a further exodus which resulted in the establish- 
ing the towns of Warren and Blandford, both being incorporated 
in 1741. The Scotch-Irish town of Colerain, located fifty miles 
northwest of Worcester was settled in 1739. 

Londonderry, New Hampshire, was settled in April, 1719, 
forming the second settlement, from the five ships. Most of these 
pioneers were men in middle life, robust and persevering. Their 
first dwellings were of logs, covered with bark. It must not be 
thought that these people, strict in their religious conceptions, 
were not touched with the common feelings of ordinary humanity. 
It is related that when John Morrison was building his house 
his wife came to him and in a persuasive manner said, "Aweel, 
aweel, dear Joan, an' it maun be a log-house, do make it a log 
heegher nor the lave;" (than the rest). The first frame house 
built was for their pastor, James McGregor. The first season 
they felt it necessary to build two strong stone garrison-houses in 
order to resist any attack of the Indians. It is remarkable that 
in neither Lowell's war, when Londonderry was strictly a frontier 
town, nor in either of the two subsequent French and Indian wars, 


did any hostile force from the northward ever approach that town. 
During the twenty-five years preceding the revolution, ten distinct 
towns of influence, in New Hampshire, were settled by emigrants 
from Londonderry, besides two in Vermont and two in Nova 
Scotia ; while families, sometimes singly and also in groups, went 
off in all directions, especially along the Connecticut river and 
over the ridge of the Green Mountains. To these brave people, 
neither the crown nor the colonies appealed in vain. Every route 
to Crown Point and Ticonderago had been tramped by them 
time and again. With Colonel Williams they were at the head 
of Lake George in 1755, and in the battle with Dieskau that fol- 
lowed; they were with Stark and lord Howe, under Abercrom- 
bie, in the terrible defeat at Ticonderago in 1758; others toiled 
with Wolfe on the Heights of Abraham; and in 1777, fought 
under Stark at Bennington, and against Burgoyne at Saratoga. 

A part of the emigrants intended for New Hampshire set- 
tled in Maine, in what is now Portland, Topsham, Bath and other 
places. Unfortunately soon after these settlements were estab- 
lished some of them were broken up by Indian troubles, and some 
of the colonists sought refuge with their countrymen at London- 
derry, but the greater part removed to Pennsylvania, — from 1730 
to 1733 about one hundred and fifty families, principally of Scotch 
descent. In 1735, Warren, Maine, was settled by twenty-seven 
families, some of whom were of recent emigration and others 
from the first arrival in Boston in 17 18. In 1753 the town re- 
ceived an addition of sixty adults and many children brought 
from Scotland. 

The Scotch-Irish settlement at Salem in Washington county. 
New York, came from Monaghan and Ballibay, Ireland. Under 
the leadership of their minister, Rev. Thomas Clark, three hun- 
dred sailed from Newry, May 10, 1764, and landed in New York 
in July following. On September 30, 1765, Mr. Clark obtained 
twelve thousand acres of the "Turner Grant," and upon this land 
he moved his parishioners, save a few families that had been in- 
duced to go to South Carolina, and some others that remained in 
Stillwater, New York. The great body of these settlers took 
possession of their lands, which had been previously surveyed 


into tracts of eigrhty-eight acres each, in the year 1767. The pre- 
vious year had been devoted to clearing the lands, building houses, 
etc. Among the early buildings was a log church, the first relig- 
ious place of worship erected between Albany and Canada. 
March 2, 1774, the legislature erected the settlement into a town- 
ship named New Perth. This name remained until March 7, 
1788, when it was changed to Salem. 

The Scotch-Irish first settled in Somerset county, New Jer- 
sey, early in the last century, but not at one time but from time 
to time. 

These early settlers repudiated the name of Irish, and took 
it as an offense to be so called. They claimed, and truly, to be 
Scotch. The term "Scotch-Irish" is quite recent, but has come 
into general use. 

From the three centers, Worcester, Londonderry and Wis- 
casset, the Scotch-Irish penetrated and permeated all New Eng- 
land; Maine the most of all, next New Hampshire, then Massa- 
chusetts, and in lessening order, Vermont, Connecticut and 
Rhode Island. They were one sort of people, belonging to the 
same grade and sphere of life. In worldly goods they were poor, 
but the majority could read and write, and if possessed with but 
one book that was the Bible, yet greatly esteeming Fox's "Book 
of Martyrs" and Bunyon's "Pilgrim's Progress." Whatever their 
views, they were held in common. 

The three doors that opened to the Scotch-Irish emigrant, 
in the New World, were the ports of Boston, Charleston and New 
Castle, in Delaware, the great bulk of whom being received at the 
last named city, where they did not even stop to rest, but pushed 
their way to their future homes in Pennsylvania. No other 
state received so many of them for permanent settlers. Those 
who landed in New York found the denizens there too submis- 
sive to foreign dictation, and so preferred Pennsylvania and Mary- 
land, where the proprietary governors and the people were in im- 
mediate contact. Francis Machemie had organized the first 
Presbyterian church in America along the eastern shore of Mary- 
land and in the adjoining counties of Virginia. 

The wave of Quaker settlements spent its force on the line of 


the Conestoga creek, in Lancaster county. The Scotch and 
Scotch-Irish arriving in great numbers were permitted to locate 
beyond that line, and thus they not only became the pioneers, but 
long that race so continued to be. In 1725, so great had been 
the wave of emigration into Pennsylvania, that James Logan, a 
native of Armagh, Ireland, but not fond of his own countrymen 
who were not Quakers, declared, "It looks as if Ireland were to 
send all her inhabitants hither ; if they continue to come they will 
make themselves proprietors of the province;" and he further 
condemned the bad taste of the people who were forcing them- 
selves where they were not wanted. The rate of this invasion 
may be estimated from the rise in population from twenty thous- 
and, in 1701, to two hundred and fifty thousand in 1745, which 
embraced the entire population of that colony. Between the 
years 1729 and 1750, there was an annual arrival of twelve thous- 
and, mostly from Ulster. Among the vessels that helped to in- 
augurate this great tide was the good ship "George and Ann," 
which set sail from Ireland on May 9th, 1729, and brought over 
the McDowells, the Irvines, the Campbells, the O'Neills, the 
McElroys, the Mitchells, and their compatriots. 

Soon after the emigrants landed at New Castle they found 
their way along the branches of various rivers to the several set- 
tlements on the western frontier. The only ones known to have 
come through New York was the "Irish settlement" in Allen 
township, Northampton county, composed principally of families 
from Londonderry, New Hampshire, where, owing to the rigid 
climate, they could not be induced to remain. It grew but slowly, 
and after 1750 most of the descendants passed on towards the 
Susquehanna and down the Cumberland. 

As early as 1720 a colony was formed on the Neshaminy, in 
Bucks County, which finally became one of the greatest land- 
marks of that race. The settlements that commenced as early 
as 1710, at Fagg Manor, at Octorara, at New London, and at 
Brandywine Manor, in Chester County, formed the nucleus for 
subsequent emigration for a period of forty years, when they 
also declined by removals to other sections of the State, and to 
the colonies of the South. Prior to 1730 there were large set- 


tlements in the townships of Colerain, Pequea, and Leacock, in 
Lancaster County. Just when the pioneers arrived in that region 
has not heen accurately ascertained, but some of them earlier 
than 1720. Within a radius of thirty-five miles of Harrisburgh 
are the settlements of Donegal, Paxtang, Derry, and Hanover, 
founded between 1715 and 1724; from whence poured another 
stream on through the Cumberland Valley, across the Potomac, 
down through Virginia and into the Carolinas and Georgia. 
The valley of the Juniata was occupied in 1749. The settlements 
in the lower part of York County date from 1726. From 1760 
to 1770 settlements rapidly sprung up in various places through- 
out Western Pennsylvania. Soon after 1767 emigrants settled 
on the Youghiogheny, the Monongahela and its tributaries, and 
in the years 1770 and 1771, Washington County was colonized. 
Soon after the wave of population extended to the Ohio River. 
From this time forward Western Pennsylvania was character- 
istically Scotch-Irish. 

These hardy sons were foremost in the French and Indian 
Wars. The Revolutionary struggle caused them to turn their 
attention to statesmanship and combat, — every one of whom 
was loyal to the cause of indepndence. The patriot army had 
its full share of Scotch-Irish representation. That thunderbolt 
of war, Anthony Wayne,* hailed from the County of Chester, 
The ardent manner in which the cause of the patriots was es- 
poused is illustrated, in a notice of a marriage that took place in 
1778, in Lancaster County, the contracting parties being of the 
Ulster race. The couple is denominated "very sincere Whigs." 
It "was truly a Whig wedding, as there were present many 
young gentlemen and ladies, and not one of the gentlemen but 
had been out when called on in the service of his country ; and it 
was well known that the groom, in particular, had proved his 
heroism, as well as Whigism, in several battles and skirmishes. 
After the marriage was ended, a motion was made, and heartily 
agreed to by all present, that the young unmarried ladies should 
form themselves into an association by the name of the 'Whig 
Association of Unmarried Young Ladies of America,' in which 
they should pledge their honor that they would never give their 

*Stille, Life of Wayne, p. 5, says he was not Scotch-Irish. 



hand in marriage to any gentleman until he had first proved 
himself a patriot, in readily turning out when called to defend 
his country from slavery, by a spirited and brave conduct, as 
they would not wish to be the mothers of a race of slaves and 
cowards.' " *' 

Pennsylvania was the gateway and first resting place, and 
the source of Scotch-Irish adventure and enterprise as they 
moved west and south. The wave of emigration striking the 
eastern border of Pennsylvania, in a measure was deflected 
southward through Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas, reaching 
and crossing the Savannah river, though met at various points 

Sap? ^^^SaB 

Built by Henry McWhorter, in 1787, at Jane Lew, West Virginia. 

Photographed in 1893. 

by counter streams of the same race, which had entered the conti- 
nent through Charleston and other southern ports. Leaving 
Pennsylvania and turning southward, the first colony into which 
the stream poured, was Maryland, the settlements being princi- 
pally in the narrow strip which constitutes the western portion, 
although they never scattered all over the colony. 

Proceeding southward traces of that race are found in Vir- 
ginia east of the Blue Ridge, in the latter part of the seven- 
teenth and early in the eighteenth century. They were in Albe- 

*Dunlap's " Pennsylvania Packet," June 17, 1778. 


marie, Nelson, Campbell, Prince Edward, Charlotte and Orange 
counties, and even along the great valley west of the Blue Ridge. 
It was not, however, until the year 1738 that they entered the 
valley in great numbers, and almost completely possessed it 
from the Pennsylvania to the North Carolina line. During the 
French and Indian wars the soldiers of Virginia were mainly 
drawn from this section, and suffered defeat with Washington 
at the Great Meadows, and with Braddock at Fort Duquesne, 
but by their firmness saved the remnant of that rash general's 
army. In 1774 they won the signal victory at Point Pleasant 
which struck terror into the Indian tribes across the Ohio. 

The American Revolution was foreshadowed in 1765, when 
England began her oppressive measures regardless of the 
inalienable and chartered rights of the colonists of America. 
It was then the youthful Scotch-Irishman, Patrick Henry, in- 
troduced into the Virginia House of Burgesses, the resolutions 
denying the validity of the Act of the British parliament, and 
by Scotch-Irish votes he secured their adoption against the com- 
bined efforts of the old leaders. At the first call for troops by 
congress to defend Boston, Daniel Morgan at once raised a 
company from among his own people, in the lower Virginia 
valley, and by a forced march of six hundred miles reached 
the beleagured city in three weeks. With his men he trudged 
through the wilderness of Maine and appeared before Quebec ; 
and later, on the heights of Saratoga, with his riflemen, he 
poured like a torrent upon the ranks of Burgogne. Through the 
foresight of Henry, a commission was given to George Rogers 
Clark, in 1778, to lead a secret expedition against the north- 
western forts. The soldiers were recruited from among the 
Scotch-Irish settlements west of the Blue Ridge. The untold 
hardships, sufferings and final success of this expedition, at the 
Treaty of Peace, in 1783, gave the great west to the United 

The greater number of the colonists of North Carolina was 
Scotch and Scotch-Irish, in so much so as to have given direc- 
tion to its history. There were several reasons why they should 
be so attracted, the most potent being a mild climate, fertile lands, 


and freedom of religious worship. The greatest accession at 
any one time was that in 1736, when Henry McCulloch secured 
sixty-four thousand acres in Duplin county, and settled upon 
these lands four thousand of his Ulster countrymen. About the 
same time the Scotch began to occupy the lower Cape Fear. 
Prior to 1750 they were located in the counties of Granville, 
Orange, Rowan and Mecklenburg, although it is uncertain when 
they settled between the Dan and the Catawba. Braddock's de- 
feat, in 1755, rendered border life dangerous, many of the new- 
comers turning south into North Carolina, where they met the 
other stream of their countrymen moving upward from Charles- 
ton along the banks of the Santee, Wateree, Broad, Pacolet, En- 
noree and Saluda, and this continued till checked by the Revolu- 
tion. These people generally were industrious, sober and in- 
telligent, and with their advent begins the educational history 
of the state. Near Greensborough, in 1767, was established a 
classical school, and in 1770, in the town of Charlotte, Mecklen- 
burg county, was chartered Queen's College, but its charter was 
repealed by George III. However, it continued to flourish, and 
was incorporated as "Liberty Hall," in 1777. The Revolution 
closed its doors ; Cornwallis quartered his troops within it, and 
afterwards burned the buildings. 

Under wrongs the Scotch-Irish of North Carolina were the 
most restless of all the colonists. They were zealous advocates 
for freedom of conscience and security against taxation unless 
imposed by themselves. During the administration of acting 
Governor Miller, they imprisoned the president and six members 
of the council, convened the legislature, established courts of jus- 
tice, and for two years exercised all the functions of government ; 
they derided the authority of Governor Eastchurch ; they impris- 
oned, impeached, and sent into exile Governor Sothel, for his ex- 
tortions, and successfully resisted the effort of lord Granville to 
establish the Church of England in that colony. In 1731, Gover- 
nor Burrington wrote: "The people of North Carolina are 
neither to be cajoled or outwitted; * * * always behaved 
insolently to their Governors. Some they imprisoned, others they 
have drove out of the country, and at other times set up a govern- 



ment of their own choice." In 1765, when a vessel laden with 
stamp paper arrived, the people over-awed the captain, who 
soon sailed away. The officers then adopted a regular system of 
oppression and extortion, and plundered the people at every turn 
of life. The people formed themselves into an association "for 
regulating public grievances and abuse of powers." The royal 
governor, Tryon (the same who later originated the infamous plot 

Vikw of Battle Field of Alamance. 

to poison Washington), raised an army of eleven hundred men, 
and marched to inflict summary punishment on the defiant sons 
of liberty. On May 16, 1771, the two forces met on the banks 
of the Great Alamance. After an engagement of two hours the 
patriots failed. These men were sturdy, patriotic members of 
three Presbyterian churches. On the field of battle were their 


pastors, graduates of Princeton. Tryon used his victory so 
savagely as to drive an increasing stream of settlers over the 
mountains into Tennessee, where they made their homes in the 
valley of the Watauga, and there nurtured their wrongs ; but the 
day of their vengeance was rapidly approaching. 

The stirring times of 1775 found the North Carolinians ready 
for revolt. They knew from tradition and experience the mons- 
trous wrongs of tyrants. When the people of Mecklenburg 
county learned in May, 1775, that parliament had declared the 
colonies in a state of revolt, they did not wait for the action of 
congress nor for that of their own provincial legislature, but 
adopted resolutions, which in effect formed a declaration of in- 

The power, valor and uncompromisng conduct of these men 
is illustrated in their conduct at the battle of King's Mountain, 
fought October 7, 1780. It was totally unlike any other in Ameri- 
can history, being the voluntary uprising of the people, rushing 
to arms to aid their distant kinsmen, when their own homes were 
menaced by savages. They served without pay and without the 
hope of reward. The defeat of Gates at Camden laid the whole 
of North Carolina at the feet of the British. Flushed with suc- 
cess, Colonel Furguson, of the 71st Regiment, at the head of 
eleven hundred men marched into North Carolina and took up 
his position at Gilbert Town, in order to intercept those retreating 
in that direction from Camden, and to crush out the spirit of the 
patriots in that region. Without any concert of action volun- 
teers assembled simultaneously, and placed themselves under tried 
leaders. They were admirably fitted by their daily pursuits for 
the privations they were called upon to endure. They had no 
tents, baggage, bread or salt, but subsisted on potatoes, pump- 
kins and roasted corn, and such venison as their own rifles could 
procure. Their army consisted of four hundred men, under Colo- 
nel William Campbell, from Washington county, Virginia, two 
hundred and forty were under Colonel Isaac Shelby, from Sulli- 
van county, North Carolina, and two hundred and forty men, from 
Washington county, same state, under John Sevier, which as- 
sembled at Watauga, September 25, where they were joined by 


Colonel Charles McDowell, with one hundred and sixty men, 
from the counties of Burke and Rutherford, who had fled before 
the enemy to the western waters. While McDowell, Shelby and 
Sevier were in consultation, two paroled prisoners arrived from 
Furguson with the message that if they did not "take protection 
under his standard, he would march his army over the mountains, 
hang their leaders, and lay waste their country with fire and 
sword." On their march to meet the army of Furguson they were 
for twenty-four hours in the saddle. They took that officer by 
surprise, killed him and one hundred and eighty of his men, after 
an engagement of one hour and five minutes, the greater part of 
which time a heavy and incessant fire was kept up on both sides, 
with a loss to themselves of only twenty killed and a few wounded. 
The remaining force of the enemy surrendered at discretion, 
giving up their camp equipage and fifteen hundred stand of arms. 
On the morning after the battle several of the Royalist (Tory) 
prisoners were found guilty of murder and other high crimes, 
and hanged. This was the closing scene of the battle of King's 
Mountain, an event which completely crushed the spirit of the 
Royalists, and weakened beyond recovery the power of the British 
in the Carolinas. The intelligence of Furguson's defeat destroyed 
all Cornwallis's hopes of aid from those who still remained loyal 
to Britain's interests. The men oppressed by British laws and 
Tryon's cruelty were not yet avenged, for they were with Morgan 
at the Cowpens and with Greene at Guildford Court House, and 
until the close of the war. 

In the settling of South Carolina, every ship that sailed from 
Ireland for the port of Charleston, was crowded with men, wo- 
men and children, which was especially true after the peace of 
1763. About the same date, within one year, a thousand families 
came into the state in that wave that originated in Pennsylvania, 
bringing with them their cattle, horses and hogs. Lands were 
alloted to them in the western woods, which soon became the 
most popular part of the province, the up-country population being 
overwhelmingly Scotch-Irish. They brought with them and re- 
tained, in an emiment degree, the virtues of industry and economy, 
so peculiarly necessary in a new country. To them the state is in- 


debted for much of its early literature. The settlers in the wes- 
tern part of the colony, long without the aid of laws, were forced 
to band themselves together for mutual protection. The royal 
governor, Montague, in 1764, sent an army against them, and with 
great difficulty a civil war was averted. The division thus 
created reappeared in 1775, on the breaking out of the Revolution. 
The state suffered greatly from the ravages of Cornwallis, who 
rode roughly over it, although her sons toiled heroically in de- 
fence of their firesides. The little bands in the east gathered 
around the standard of Marion, and in the north and west around 
those of Sumter and Pickens. They kept alive the flame of 
liberty in the swamps, and when the country appeared to be sub- 
dued, it burst forth in electric flashes striking and withering the 
hand of the oppressor. Through the veins of most of the patri- 
ots flowed Scotch-Irish blood; and to the hands of one of this 
class, John Rutledge, the destinies of the state were committed. 

Georgia was sparsely settled at the time of the Revolution. 
In 1753 its population was less than twenty- four hundred. Emi- 
gration from the Carolinas set in towards North Georgia, bring- 
ing many Scotch-Irish families. The movement towards the 
mountain and Piedmont regions of the southeast began about 
1773. In that year, Governor Wright purchased from the In- 
dians that portion of middle Georgia lying between the Oconee 
and the Savannah. The inducements he then offered proved 
very attractive to the enterprising sons of Virginia and the Caro- 
linas, who lived in the highlands of those states. These people 
who settled in Georgia have thus been described by Governor 

Gilmer : "The pretty girls were dressed in striped and checked 
cotton cloth, spun and woven with their own hands, and their 
sweethearts in sumach and walnut-dyed stuff, made by their 
mothers. Courting was done when riding to meeting on Sunday, 
and walking to the spring when there. Newly married couples 
went to see the old folks on Saturday, and carried home on Sun- 
day evening what they could spare. There was no ennui among 
the women for something to do. If there had been leisure to read, 
there were but few books for the indulgence. Hollow trees sup- 
plied cradles for babies." 

A majority of the first settlers of East Tennessee were of 


Scotch-Irish blood, having sought homes there after the battle 
of Alamance, and hence that state became the aaughter of North 
Carolina. The first written constitution born of a convention of 
people on this continent, was that at Watauga, in 1772. A settle- 
ment of less than a dozen families was formed in 1778, near Bled- 
soe, isolated in the heart of the Chickasaw nation, with no other 
protection than a small, stockade enclosure and their own in- 
domitable courage. In the early spring of 1779, a little colony 
of gallant adventurers, from the parent line of Watauga, crossed 
the Cumberland mountain, and established themselves near the 
French Lick, and planted a field of corn where the city of Nash- 
ville now stands. The settlement on the Cumberland was made 
in 1780, after great privations and sufferings on the journey. The 
settlers at the various stations were so harrassed by the Indians, 
incited thereto by British and Spanish agents, that all were aban- 
doned except Elatons and the Bluffs (Nashville). These people 
were compelled to go in armed squads to the springs, and plowed 
while guarded by armed sentinels. The Indians, by a well 
planned stratagem, attempted to enter the Bluffs, on April 22d, 
1 78 1. The men in the fort were drawn into an ambush by a 
decoy party. When they dismounted to give battle, their horses 
dashed off toward the fort, and they were pursued by some In- 
dians, which left a gap in their lines, through which some whites 
were escaping to the fort; but these were intercepted by a large 
body of the enemy from another ambush. The heroic women in 
the fort, headed by Mrs. James Robertson, seized the axes and 
idle guns, and planted themselves in the gate, determined to die 
rather than give up the fort. Just in time she ordered the sentry 
to turn loose a pack of dogs which had been selected for their 
size and courage to encounter bears and panthers. Frantic to 
join the fray, they dashed off, outyelling the savages, who recoiled 
before the fury of their onset, thus giving the men time to 
escape to the fort. So overjoyed was Mrs. Robertson that she 
patted every dog as he came into the fort. 

So thoroughly was Kentucky settled by the Scotch-Irish, 
from the older colonies, that it might be designated as of that 
race, the first emigrants being from Virginia and North Carolina. 


It was first explored by Thomas Walker in 1747; followed by 
John Finley, of North Carolina, 1767; and in 1769, by Daniel 
Boone, John Stewart, and three others, who penetrated to the 
Kentucky river. By the vear 1773, lands were taken up and af- 
terwards there was a steady stream, almost entirely from the 
valley and southwest Virginia. No border annals 
teem with more thrilling incidents or heroic exploits than 
those of the Kentucky hunters, whose very name finally struck 
terror into the heart of the strongest savage. The prediction of 
the Cherokee chief to Boone at the treaty at Watauga, ceding the 
territory to Henderson and his associates, was fully verified: 
"Brother," said he, "we have given you a fine land, but I believe 
you will have much trouble in settling it." 

The history of the Scotch-Irish race in Canada, prior to the 
peace of 1783, is largely that of individuals. It has already been 
noted that two settlements had been made in Nova Scotia by the 
emigrants that landed from the five ships in Boston harbor. It 
is recorded that Truro, Nova Scotia, was settled in 1762, and in 
1756 three brothers from Ireland settled in Colchester, same 
province. If the questions were thoroughly investigated it doubt- 
less would lead to interesting results. 

It must not be lost sight of that one of the important indus- 
trial arts brought to America was of untold benefit. Not only 
did every colony bring with them agricultural implements needful 
for the culture of flax, but also the small wheels and the loom 
for spinning and weaving the fibre. Nothing so much excited 
the interest of Puritan Boston, in 1718, as the small wheels 
worked by women and propelled by the foot, for turning the 
straight flax fibre into thread. Public exhibitions of skill in 1719 
took place on Boston common, by Scotch-Irish women, at which 
prizes were offered. The advent of the machine produced a sen- 
sation, and societies and schools were formed to teach the art 
of making linen thread. 

The distinctive characteristics which the Scotch-Irish trans- 
planted to the new world may be designated as follows : They 
were Presbyterians in their religion and church government ; 
they were loyal to the conceded authority to the king, but con- 


sidered him bound as well as themselves to "the Solemn League 
and Covenant," entered into in 1643, which pledged the support 
of the Reformation and of the liberties of the kingdom ; the right 
to choose their own ministers, untrammeled by the civil powers ; 
they practiced strict discipline in morals, and gave instruction to 
their youth in schools and academies, and in teaching the Bible 
as illustrated by the Westminster Assembly's catechism. To all 
this they combined in a remarkable degree, acuteness of intellect, 
firmness of purpose, and conscientious devotion to duty. 



The social system of the Highlanders that bound the mem- 
bers of the clan together was conducive to the pride of ancestry 
and the love of home. This pride was so directed as to lead to 
the most beneficial results on their character and conduct : form- 
ing strong attachments, leading to the performance of laudable 
and heroic actions, and enabling the poorest to endure the severest 
hardships without a murmur, and never complaining of what 
they received to eat, or where they lodged, or of any other priva- 
tion. Instead of complaining of the difference in station or for- 
tune, or considering a ready obedience to the call of the chief as 
a slavish oppression, they felt convinced that they were support- 
ing their own honor in showing their gratitude and duty to the 
generous head of the family. In them it was a singular and char- 
acteristic feature to contemplate with early familiarity the pros- 
pect of death, which was considered as merely a passage from 
this to another state of existence, enlivened by the assured hope 
that they should meet their friends and kindred in a fairer and 
brighter world than this. This statement may be perceived in 
the anxious care with which they provided the necessary articles 
for a proper and becoming funeral. Even the poorest and most 
destitute endeavored to save something for this last solemnity. 
It was considered to be a sad calamity to be consigned to the 
grave among strangers, without the attendance and sympathy 
of friends, and at a distance from the family. If a relative died 
away from home, the greatest exertions were made to carry the 
body back for interment among the ashes of the forefathers. A 
people so nurtured could only contemplate with despair the idea 
of being forced from the land of their nativity, or emigrating 
from that beloved country, hallowed by the remains of their 


The Highlander, by nature, was opposed to emigration. 
All his instincts, as well as training, led him to view with delight 
the permanency of home and the constant companionship of those 
to whom he was related by ties of consanguinity. Neither was 
he a creature of conquest, and looked not with a covetous eye 
upon the lands of other nations. He would do battle in a foreign 
land, but the Highlands of Scotland was his abiding place. If he 
left his native glen in order to become a resident elsewhere, there 
must have been a special or overpowering reason. He never emi- 
grated through choice. Unfortunately the simplicity of his na- 
ture, his confiding trust, and love of chief and country, were 
doomed to receive such a jolt as would shake the very fibres of 
his being, and that from those to whom he looked for support 
and protection. Reference here is not made to evictions awful 
crimes that commenced in 1784, but to the change, desolation and 
misery growing out of the calamity at Culloden. 

Notwithstanding the peculiar characteristics of the High- 
lander, there would of necessity arise certain circumstances which 
would lead some, and even many, to change their habitation. 
From the days of the Crusader downwards he was more or less 
active in foreign wars ; and coming in contact with different na- 
tionalities his mind would broaden and his sentiment change, so 
that other lands and other people would be viewed in a more 
favorable light. While this would not become general, yet it 
would follow in many instances. Intercourse with another peo- 
ple, racially and linguistically related, would have a tendency 
to invite a closer affiliation. Hence, the inhabitants of the West- 
ern Isles had almost constant communication, sometimes at war, 
it is true, but generally in terms of amity, with the natives of 
North Ireland. It is not surprising then that as early as 1584, 
Sorley Buy MacDonald should lead a thousand Highlanders, 
called Redshanks, of the clans or families of the MacDonalds, 
Campbells, and Magalanes, into Ulster, and in time intermarry 
with the Irish, and finally become the most formidable enemies 
of England in her designs of settling that country. Some of the 
leading men were forced to flee on account of being attainted for 
treason, having fought under Dundee in 1689, or under Mar in 


1715, and after Culloden in 1745 quite a hegira took place, many 
of whom found service in the army of France. Individuals, seek- 
ing employment, found their way into England before 1724. 
Although there was a strong movement for England from the 
Lowlands, yet many were from the Highlands, to whom was 
partly due the old proverb, "There never came a fool from Scot- 
land." These emigrants, from the Highlands, were principally 
those having trades, who sought to better their condition. 

Seven hundred prisoners taken at Preston were sold as slaves 
to some West Indian merchants, which was a cruel proceeding, 
when it is considered that the greater part of these men were High- 
landers, who had joined the army in obedience to the commands 
of their chiefs. Wholly unfitted for such labor as would be re- 
quired in the West Indies and unacclimated, their fate may be read- 
ily assumed. But this was no more heartless than the execution 
in Lancashire of twenty-two of their companions. 

The specifications above enumerated have no bearing on the 
emigration which took place on a large scale, the consequences 
of which, at the time, arrested the attention of the nation. The 
causes now to be enumerated grew out of the change of policy 
following the battle of Culloden. The atrocities following that 
battle were both for vengeance and to break the military spirit of 
the Highlanders. The legislative enactments broke the nobler 
spirit of the people. The rights and welfare of the people at large 
were totally ignored, and no provisions made for their future 
welfare. The country was left in a state of commotion and con- 
fusion resulting from the changes consequent to the overthrow 
of the old system, the breaking up of old relationship, and the 
gradual encroachment of Lowland civilization, and methods of ag- 
riculture. While these changes at first were neither great nor ex- 
tensive, yet they were sufficient to keep the country in a ferment 
or uproar. The change was largely in the manner of an experi- 
ment in order to find out the most profitable way of adaptation 
to the new regime. These experiments resulted in the unsettling 
of old manners, customs, and ideas,, which caused discontent 
and misery among the people. The actual change was slow ; the 
innovations, as a rule, began in those districts bordering on the 
Lowlands, and thence proceeded in a northwesterly direction. 


In all probability the first shock felt by the clansmen, under 
the new order of things, was the abolishing the ancient clan sys- 
tem, and the reduction of the chiefs to the condition of landlords. 
For awhile the people failed to realize this new order of affairs, 
for the gentlemen and common people still continued to regard 
their chief in the same light as formerly, not questioning but their 
obedience to the head of their clan was independent of legislative 
enactment. They were still ready to make any sacrifice for his 
sake, and felt it to be their duty to do what they could for his 
support. They still believed that the chief's duty to his people 
remained unaltered, and he was bound to see that they did not 
want, and to succor them in distress. 

The first effects in the change in tribal relations were felt 
on those estates that had been forfeited on account of the chiefs 
and gentlemen having been compelled to leave the country in 
order to save their lives. These estates were entrusted to the 
management of commissioners who rudely applied their powers 
under the new arrangement of affairs. When the chiefs, now re- 
duced to the position of lairds, began to realize their condi- 
tion, and the advantage of making their lands yield them as large 
an income as possible, followed the example of demanding a rent. 
A rental value had never been exacted before, for it was the uni- 
versal belief that the land belonged to the clan in common. Some 
of the older chiefs, then living, held to the same opinion, and 
among such, a change was not perceptible until a new landlord 
came into possession. The gentlemen of the clan and the tacks- 
men, or large farmers, firmly believed that they had as much right 
to a share of the lands as the chief himself. In the beginning the 
rent was not high nor more than the lands would bear; but it 
was resented by the tacksmen, deeming it a wanton injury in- 
flicted in the house of their dearest friend. They were hurt at the 
idea that the chief, — the father of his people — should be con- 
trolled by such a mercenary idea, and to exercise that power which 
gave him the authority to lease the lands to the highest bidder. 
This policy, which they deemed selfish and unjust, naturally 
cut them to the quick. They and their ancestors had occupied 
their farms for many generations ; their birth was as good and 


their genealogy as old as that of the chief himself, to whom they 
were all blood relations, and whose loyalty was unshaken. True, 
they had no written document, no "paltry sheep-skin," as they 
called it, to prove the right to their farms, but such had never 
been the custom, and these parchments quite a modern innovation, 
and, in former times, before a chief would have tried to wrest 
from them that which had been given by a former chief to their 
fathers, would have bitten out his tongue before he would 
have asked a bond. There can be no doubt that originally when 
a chief bestowed a share of his property upon his son or other 
near relation, he intended that the latter should keep it for himself 
and his descendants. To these tacksmen it was injury enough 
that an alien government should interfere in their domestic re- 
lations, but for the chief to turn against them was a wound which 
no balm could heal. Before they would submit to these exactions, 
they would first give up their holdings ; which many of them did 
and emigrated to America, taking with them servants and sub- 
tenants, and enticing still others to follow them by the glowing 
accounts which they sent home of their good fortune in the 
favored country far to the west. In some cases the farms thus 
vacated were let to other tacksmen, but in most instances the new 
system was introduced by letting the land directly to what was 
formerly sub-tenants, or those who had held the land immediately 
from the ousted tacksmen. 

There was a class of lairds who had tasted the sweets of 
southern luxuries and who vied with the more opulent, increased 
the rate of rent to such an extent as to deprive the tacksmen of 
their holdings. This caused an influx of lowland farmers, who 
with their improved methods could compete successfully against 
their less favored northern neighbors. The danger of southern 
luxuries had been foreseen and an attempt had been made to pro- 
vide against it. As far back as the year 1744, in order to discour- 
age such things, at a meeting of the chiefs of the Isle of 
Skye, Sir Alexander MacDonald of MacDonald, Norman Mac- 
Leod of MacLeod, John MacKinnon of MacKinnon, and Mal- 
colm MacLeod of Raasay, held in Portree, it was agreed to dis- 
continue and discountenance the use of brandy, tobacco and tea. 


The placing of the land in the hands of aliens was deplored 
in its' results as may be seen from the following portrayal given 
by Buchanan in his "Travels in the Hebrides," referring to about 
1780: — "At present they are obliged to be much more submissive 
to their tacksmen than ever they were in former times to their 
lairds or lords. There is a great difference between that mild 
treatment which is shown to sub-tenants and even scallags, by the 
old lessees, descended of ancient and honorable families, and the 
outrageous rapacity of those necessitous strangers who have ob- 
tained leases from absent proprietors, who treat the natives as 
if they were a conquered and inferior race of mortals. In short, 
they treat them like beasts of burden ; and in all respects like 
slaves attached to the soil, as they cannot obtain new habitations, 
on account of the combinations already mentioned, and are en- 
tirely at the mercy of the laird or tacksman . Formerly, the per- 
sonal service of the tenant did not usually exceed eight or ten 
days in the year. There lives at present at Scalpa, in the isle of 
Harris, a tacksman of a large district, who instead of six days' 
work paid by the sub-tenants to his predecessor in the lease, has 
raised the predial service, called in that and in other parts of 
Scotland, inanerial bondage, to fifty-two days in the year at once; 
besides many other services to be performed at different though 
regular and stated times ; as tanning leather for brogans, making 
heather ropes for thatch, digging and drying peats for fuel ; one 
pannier of peat charcoal to be carried to the smith ; so many days 
for gathering and shearing sheep and lambs ; for ferrying cattle 
from island to island, and other distant places, and several days 
for going on distant errands ; so many pounds of wool to be spun 
into yarn. And over and above all this, they must lend their aid 
upon any unforseen occurrence whenever they are called on. 
The constant service of two months at once is performed at the 
proper season in making kelp. On the whole, this gentleman's 
sub-tenants may be computed to devote to his service full three 
days in the week. But this is not all : they have to pay besides 
yearly a certain number of cocks, hen, butter, and cheese, called 
Caorigh-Ferrin, the Wife's Portion. This, it must be owned, 
is one of the most severe and rigorous tacksmen descended from 
the old inhabitants, in all the Western Hebrides ; but the situation 
of his sub-tenants exhibits but too faithful a picture of the sub- 
tenants of those places in general, and the exact counterpart of 
such enormous oppression is to be found at Luskintire."* 

*Keltie's "History of the Highland Clans," Vol. II, p. 35. 


The dismissal of retainers kept by the chiefs during feudal 
times added to the discontent. For the protection of the clan 
it had been necessary to keep a retinue of trained warriors. These 
were no longer necessary, and under the changed state of affairs, 
an expense that could be illy afforded. This class found them- 
selves without a vocation, and they would sow the seeds of dis- 
content, if they remained in the country. They must either enter 
the army or else go to another country in search of a vocation. 

Unquestionably the most potent of all causes for emigration 
was the introduction of sheep-farming. That the country was 
well adapted for sheep goes without disputation. Sheep had al- 
ways been kept in the Highlands with the black cattle, but not in 
large numbers. The lowland lessees introduced sheep on a large 
scale, involving the junction of many small farms into one, each 
of which had been hitherto occupied by a number of tenants. This 
engrossing of farms and consequent depopulation was also a\ 
fruitful source of discontent and misery to those who had to va- 
cate their homes and native glens. Many of those displaced by 
sheep and one or two Lowland shepherds, emigrated like the dis- 
contented tacksmen to America, and those who remained looked 
with an ill-will and an evil eye on the intruders. Some of the 
more humane landlords invited the oppressed to remove to their 
estates, while others tried to prevent the ousted tenants from leav- 
ing the country by setting apart some particular spot along the 
sea-shore, or else on waste land that had never been touched by 
the plow, on which they might build houses and have an acre 
or two for support. Those removed to the coast were encouraged 
to prosecute the fishing along with their agricultural labors. It 
was mainly by a number of such ousted Highlanders that the 
great and arduous undertaking was accomplished of bringing 
into a state of cultivation Kincardine Moss, in Perthshire. At 
that time, 1767, the task to be undertaken was one of stupend- 
ous magnitude ; but was so successfully carried out that two 
thousand acres were reclaimed which for centuries had rested 
under seven feet of heath and vegetable matter. Similarly 
many other spots were brought into a state of cultivation. But 
this, and other pursuits then engaged in, did not occupy the time 
of all who had been despoiled of their homes. 


The breaking up of old habits and customs and the forcible 
importation of those that are foreign must not only engender 
hate but also cause misery. It is the uniform testimony of all 
travellers, who visited the Highlands during the latter half of the 
eighteenth century, especially Pennant, Boswell, Johnson, Newte, 
and Buchanan, that the condition of the country was deplorable. 
Without quoting from all, let the following lengthy extract suf- 
fice, which is from Buchanan : 

"Upon the whole, the situation of these people, inhabitants of 
Britain ! is such as no language can describe, nor fancy conceive. 
If, with great labor and fatigue, the farmer raises a slender crop 
of oats and barley, the autumnal rains often baffle his utmost ef- 
forts, and frustrate all his expectations ; and instead of being able 
to pay an exorbitant rent, he sees his family in danger of perish- 
ing during the ensuing winter, when he is precluded from any 
possibility of assistance elsewhere. Nor are his cattle in a better 
situation ; in summer they pick up a scanty support amongst the 
morasses or heathy mountains ; but in winter, when the grounds 
are covered with snow, and when the naked wilds afford neither 
shelter nor subsistence, the few cows, small, lean, and ready to 
drop down through want of pasture, are brought into the hut 
where the family resides, and frequently share with them the 
small stock of meal which had been purchased, or raised, for the 
family only ; while the cattle thus sustained, are bled occasionally, 
to afford nourishment for the children after it hath been boiled 
or made into cakes. The sheep being left upon the open heaths, 
seek to shelter themselves from the inclemency of the weather 
amongst the hollows upon the lee-side of the mountains, and 
here they are frequently buried under the snow for several weeks 
together, and in severe seasons during two months and upwards. 
They eat their own and each other's wool, and hold out wonder- 
fully under cold and hunger ; but even in moderate winters, a 
considerable number are generally found dead after the snow hath 
disappeared, and in rigorous seasons few or none are left alive. 
Meanwhile the steward, hard pressed, by letters from Almack's 
or Newmarket, demands the rent in a tone which makes no great 
allowance for unpropitious seasons, the death of cattle, and other 
accidental misfortunes ; disguising the feelings of his own breast 
— his Honor's wants must at any rate be supplied, the bills must 
be duly negotiated. Such is. the state of farming, if it may be so 
called, throughout the interior parts of the Highlands ; but as that 
country has an extensive coast, and many islands, it may be sup- 


posed that the inhabitants of those shores enjoy all the benefits 
of their maritime situation. This, however, is not the case ; those 
gifts of nature, which in any other commercial kingdom would 
have been rendered subservient to the most valuable purposes, 
are in Scotland lost, or nearly so, to the poor natives and the 
public. The only difference, therefore, between the inhabitants 
of the interior parts and those of the more distant coasts, con- 
sists in this, that the latter, with the labors of the field, have to 
encounter alternately the dangers of the ocean and all the fatigues 
of navigation. To the distressing circumstances at home, as 
stated above, new difficulties and toils await the devoted farmer 
when abroad. He leaves his family in October, accompanied 
by his sons, brothers, and frequently an aged parent, and embarks 
on board a small open boat, in quest of the herring fishery, with 
no other provisions than oatmeal, potatoes, and fresh water ; no 
other bedding than heath, twigs, or straw, the covering, if any, 
an old sail. Thus provided, he searches from bay to bay, through 
turbulent seas, frequently for several weeks together, before the 
shoals of herring are discovered. The glad tidings serve to vary, 
but not to diminish his fatigues. Unremitting nightly labor (the 
time when the herrings are taken), pinching cold winds, heavy 
seas, uninhabited shores covered with snow, or deluged with rain, 
contribute towards filling up the measure of his distresses ; while 
to men of such exquisite feelings as the Highlanders generally 
possess, the scene which awaits him at home does it most effectu- 
ally. Having disposed of his capture to the Busses, he returns 
in January through a long navigation, frequently amidst unceas- 
ing hurricanes, not to a comfortable home and a cheerful family, 
but to a hut composed of turf, without windows, doors, or chim- 
ney, environed with snow, and almost hid from the eye by its 
astonishing depth. Upon entering this solitary mansion, he gen- 
erally finds a part of his family, sometimes the whole, lying upon 
heath or straw, languishing through want or epidemical disease ; 
while the few surviving cows, which possess the other end of the 
cottage, instead of furnishing further supplies of milk or blood, 
demand his immediate attention to keep them in existence. The 
season now approaches when he is again to delve and labor the 
ground, on 'the same slender prospect of a plentiful crop or a dry 
harvest. The cattle which have survived the famine of the win- 
ter, are turned out to the mountains ; and, having put his domestic 
affairs into the best situation which a train of accumulated misfor- 
tunes admits of, he resumes the oar, either in quest of herring or 
the white fishery. If successful in the latter, he sets out in his 
open boat upon a voyage (taking the Hebrides and the opposite 


coast at a medium distance) of two hundred miles, to vend his 
cargo of dried cod, ling, etc., at Greenock or Glasgow. The 
product, which seldom exceeds twelve or fifteen pounds, is laid 
out, in conjunction with his companions, upon meal and fishing 
tackle ; and he returns through the same tedious navigation. The 
autumn calls his attention again to the field ; the usual round of 
disappointment, fatigue, and distress awaits him ; thus dragging 
through a wretched existence in the hope of soon arriving in that 
country where the weary shall be at rest." * 

The writer most pitiably laments that twenty thousand of 
these wretched people had to leave their homes and famine- 
struck condition, and the oppression of their lairds, for lands 
and houses of their own in a fairer and more fertile land, where 
independence and affluence were at their command. Nothing but 
misery and degradation at home; happiness, riches and advance- 
ment beyond the ocean. Under such a system it would be no spe- 
cial foresight to predict a famine, which came to pass in 1770 and 
again in 1782-3. Whatever may be the evils under the clan sys- 
tem, and there certainly were such, none caused the oppression 
and misery which that devoted people have suffered since its 
abolishment. So far as contentment, happiness, and a wise re- 
gard for interest, it would have been better for the masses had 
the old system continued. As a matter of fact, however, those 
who emigrated found a greater latitude and brighter prospects 
for their descendants. 

From what has been stated it will be noticed that it was a 
matter of necessity and not a spirit of adventure that drove the 
mass of Highlanders to America; but those who came, neverthe- 
less, were enterprising and anxious to carve out their own for- 
tunes. Before starting on the long and perilous journey across 
the Atlantic they were first forced to break the mystic spell that 
bound them to their native hills and glens, that had a charm and 
an association bound by a sacred tie. A venerable divine of a 
Highland parish who had repeatedly witnessed the fond affection 
of his parishioners in taking their departure, narrated how they 
approached the sacred edifice, ever dear to them, by the most 
hallowed associations, and with tears in their eyes kissed its 

*Keltie's " History of the Highland Clans," Vol. II, p. 42. 


very walls, how they made an emphatic pause in losing sight of the 
romantic scenes of their childhood, with its kirks and cots, and 
thousand memories, and as if taking a formal and lasting adieu, 
uncovered their heads and waived their bonnets three times to- 
wards the scene, and then with heavy steps and aching hearts 
resumed their pilgrimage towards new scenes in distant climes. * 

"Farewell to the land of the mountain and wood, 
Farewell to the home of the brave and the good, 

My bark is afloat on the blue-rolling main, 

And I ne'er shall behold thee, dear Scotland again ! 

Adieu to the scenes of my life's early morn, 
From the place of my birth I am cruelly torn ; 

The tyrant oppresses the land of the free ; 

And leaves but the name of my sires unto me. 

Oh ! home of my fathers, I bid thee adieu, 

For soon will thy hill-tops retreat from my view, 

With sad drooping heart I depart from thy shore, 
To behold thy fair valleys and mountains no more. 

'Twas there that I woo'd thee, young Flora, my wife, 
When my bosom was warm in the morning of life. 

I courted thy love 'mong the heather so brown, 

And heaven did I bless when it made thee my own. 

The friends of my early years, where are they now? 

Each kind honest heart, and each brave manly brow ; 
Some sleep in the churchyard from tyranny free, 

And others are crossing the ocean with me. 

Lo ! now on the boundless Atlantic I stray, 

To a strange foreign realm I am wafted away, 

Before me as far as my vision can glance, 
I see but the wave rolling wat'ry expanse. 

So farewell my country .and all that is dear, 

The hour is arrived and the bark is asteer, 
I go and forever, oh ! Scotland adieu ! 

The land of my fathers no more I shall view." 

— Peter Crerar. 

♦"Celtic Magazine," Vol. I, p. 143. 


America was the one great inviting field that opened wide 
her doors to the oppressed of all nations. The Highlanders hast- 
ened thither; first in small companies, or singly, and afterwards 
in sufficient numbers to form distinctive settlements. These be- 
longed to the better class, bringing with them a certain amount 
of property, intelligent, persevering, religious, and in many in- 
stances closely related to the chief. Who was the first High- 
lander, and in what year he settled in America, has not been de- 
termined. It is impossible to judge by the name, because it would 
not specially signify, for as has been noted, Highlanders had gone 
to the north of Ireland, and in the very first migrations of the 
Scotch-Irish, their descendants landed at Boston and Philadel- 
phia. It is, however, positively known that individual members 
of the clans, born in the Highlands, and brought up under the 
jurisdiction of the chiefs, settled permanently in America before 
1724. * The number of these must have been very small, for a 
greater migration would have attracted attention. In 1729, there 
arrived at the port of Philadelphia, five thousand six hundred and 
fifty-five Irish emigrants, and only two hundred and sixty-seven 
English, forty-three Scotch, and three hundred and forty-three 
Germans. Of the forty-three Scotch it would be impossible to 
ascertain how many of them were from the Highlands, because 
all people from Scotland were designated under the one word. 
But if the whole number were of the Gaelic race, and the ratio 
kept up it would be almost insignificant, if scattered from one end 
of the Colonies to the other. After the wave of emigration had 
finally set in then the numbers of small companies would rapidly 
increase and the ratio would be largely augmented, f 

It is not to be presumed that the emigrants found the New 
World to be all their fancies had pictured. If they had left misery 
and oppression behind them, they were destined to encounter 
hardships and disappointments. A new country, however great 
may be its attractions, necessarily has its disadvantages. It takes 
time, patience, industry, perseverence and ingenuity to convert a 
wilderness into an abode of civilization. Innumerable obstacles 

*See Appendix, Note A. fSee Appendix, Note B. 


must be overcome, which eventually give way before the indomit- 
able will of man. Years of hard service must be rendered ere 
the comforts of home are obtained, the farm properly stocked, 
and the ways for traffic opened. After the first impressions of 
the emigrant are over, a longing desire for the old home engrosses 
his heart, and a self-censure for the step he has taken. Time 
ameliorates these difficulties, and the wisdom of the undertaking 
becomes more apparent, while contentment and prosperity rival 
all other claims. The Highlander in the land of the stranger, no 
longer an alien, grows stronger in his love for his new surround- 
ings, and gradually becomes just as patriotic for the new as he 
was for the old country. All its civilization, endearments, and 
progress, become a part of his being. His memory, however, 
lingers over the scenes of his early youth, and in his dreams he 
once more abides in his native glens, and receives the blessings 
of his kind, tender, loving mother. Were it even thus to all who 
set forth to seek their fortunes it would be well ; but to hundreds 
who left their homes in fond anticipation, not a single ray of 
light shone athwart their progress, for all was dark and forbid- 
ding. Misrepresentation, treachery, and betrayal were too fre- 
quently practiced, and in misery, heart-broken and despondent 
many dropped to rise no more, welcoming death as a deliverer. 



The first body of Highlanders to arrive in the New World 
was as much military as civil. Their lines were cast in evil waters, 
and disaster awaited them. They formed a very essential part of 
a colony that engaged in what has been termed the Darien Scheme, 
which originated in 1695, and so mismanaged as to involve thou- 
sands in ruin, many of whom had enjoyed comparative opulence. 
Although this project did not materially affect the Highlands 
of Scotland, yet as Highland money entered the enterprise, and as 
quite a body of Highlanders perished in the attempted coloniza- 
tion of the isthmus of Panama, more than a passing notice is here 

Scottish people have ever been noted for their caution, frugal- 
ity, and prudence, and not prone to engage in any speculation 
unless based on the soundest business principles. Although thus 
characterized, yet this people engaged in the most disastrous 
speculation on record ; established by act of the Scottish parlia- 
ment, and begun by unprecedented excitement. The leading cause 
which impelled the people headlong into this catastrophe was the 
ruination of the foreign trade of Scotland by the English Naviga- 
tion Act of 1660, which provided that all trade with the English 
colonies should be conducted in English ships alone. Any scheme 
plausibly presented was likely to catch those anxious to regain 
their commercial interests, as well as those who would be actuated 
to increase their own interests. The Massacre of Glencoe had no 
little share in the matter. This massacre, which occurred Febru- 
ary 13, 1692, is the foulest blot in the annals of crime. It was 
deliberately planned by Sir John Dalrymple and others, ordered 
by king William, and executed by Captain Robert Campbell of 
Glenlyon, in the most treacherous, brutal, atrocious, and blood- 


thirsty manner imaginable, and perpetrated without the shadow 
of a reasonable excuse — infancy and old age, male and female 
alike perished. The bare recital of it is awful ; and the barbarity 
of the American savage pales before it. In every quarter, even 
at court, the account of the massacre was received with horror 
and indignation. The odium of the nation rose to a great pitch, 
and demanded that an inquiry be made into this atrocious affair. 
The appointment of a commission was not wrung from the un- 
willing king until April 29, 1695. The commission, as a whole, 
acted with great fairness, although they put the best possible 
construction on the king's order, and threw the whole blame on 
Secretary Dalrymple. The king was too intimately connected 
with the crime to make an example of any one, although through 
public sentiment he was forced to dismiss Secretary Dalrymple. 
Not one of those actually engaged in the perpetration of the crime 
were dismissed from the army, or punished for the butchery, oth- 
erwise than by the general hatred of the age in which they lived, 
and the universal execration of posterity. The tide of feeling set 
in against king William, and before it had time to ebb the Darien 
Scheme was projected. The friends of William seized the oppor- 
tunity to persuade him that some freedom and facilities of trade 
should be grantd the Scotch, and that would divert public attention 
from the Glencoe massacre. Secretary Dalrymple also was not 
slow to give it the support of his eloquence and interest, in hopes 
to regain thereby a part of his lost popularity. 

The originator of the Darien Scheme was William Paterson, 
founder of the Bank of England, a man of comprehensive views 
and great sagacity, born in Scotland, a missionary in the Indies, 
and a buccaneer among the West India islands. During his rov- 
ing course of life he had visited the isthmus of Panama — then 
called Darien — and brought away only pleasant recollections of 
that narrow strip of land that unites North and South America. 
On his return to Europe his first plan was the national establish- 
ment of the Bank of England. For a brief period he was ad- 
mitted as a director in that institution, but it befell to Paterson 
that others possessed of wealth and influence, interposed and took 
advantage of his ideas, and then excluded him from the concern. 


Paterson next turned his thoughts to the plan of settling a colony 
in America, and handling the trade of the Indies and the South 
Seas. The trade of Europe with the remote parts of Asia had 
been carried on by rounding the Cape of Good Hope. Paterson 
believed that the shorter, cheaper, and more expeditious route 
was by the isthmus of Panama, and, as he believed, that section of 
the country had not been occupied by any of the nations of Eu- 
rope ; and as it was specially adapted for his enterprise it should 
be colonized. He averred that the havens were capacious and 
secure ; the sea swarmed with turtle ; the country so mountainous, 
that though within nine degrees of the equator, the climate was 
temperate ; and yet roads could be easily constructed along which 
a string of mules, or a wheeled carriage might in the course of 
a single day pass from sea to sea. Fruits and a profusion of valu- 
able herbs grew spontaneously, on account of the rich black soil, 
which had a depth of seven feet ; and the exuberant fertility of the 
soil had not tainted the purity of the atmosphere. As a place of 
residence alone, the isthmus was a paradise ; and a colony there 
could not fail to prosper even if its wealth depended entirely on 
agriculture. This, however, would be only a secondary matter, 
for within a few. years the entire trade between India and Europe 
would be drawn to that spot. The merchant was no longer to 
expose his goods to the capricious gales of the Antarctic Seas, 
for the easier, safer, cheaper route must be navigated, which was 
shortly destined to double the amount of trade. Whoever pos- 
sessed that door which opened both to the Atlantic and Pacific, 
as the shortest and least expensive route would give law to both 
hemispheres, and by peaceful arts would establish an empire as 
splendid as that of Cyrus or Alexander. If Scotland would oc- 
cupy Darien she would become the one great free port, the one 
great warehouse for the wealth that the soil of Darien would 
produce, and the greater wealth which would be poured through 
Darien, India, China, Siam, Ceylon, and the Moluccas; besides 
taking her place in the front rank among nations. On all the vast 
riches that would be poured into Scotland a toll should be paid 
which would add to her capital ; and a fabulous prosperity would 
be shared by every Scotchman from the peer to the cadie. Along 


the desolate shores of the Forth Clyde villas and pleasure grounds 
would spring up; and Edinburgh would vie with London and 
Paris. These glowing prospects at first were only partially disclos- 
ed to the public, and the name of Darien was unpronounced save 
only to a few of Paterson's most confidential friends. A mystery 
pervaded the enterprise, and only enough was given out to excite 
boundless hopes and desires. He succeeded admirably in working 
up a sentiment and desire on the part of the people to become 
stockholders in the organization. The hour for action had ar- 
rived; so on June 26, 1695, the Scottish parliament granted a 
statute from the Crown, for creating a corporate body or stock 
company, by name of the Company of Scotland trading to Africa 
and the Indies, with power to plant colonies and build forts in 
places not possessed by other European nations, the consent of the 
inhabitants of the places they settled being obtained. The amount 
of capital was not fixed by charter, but it was stipulated that 
at least one-half the stock must be held by Scotchmen resident in 
Scotland, and that no stock originally so held should ever be 
transferred to any but Scotchmen resident in Scotland. An entire 
monopoly of the trade with Asia, Africa, and America was 
granted for a term of thirty-one years, and all, goods imported 
by the company during twenty-one years, should be admitted duty 
free, except sugar and tobacco, unless grown on the company's 
plantations. Every member and servant of the company were 
privileged against arrest and imprisonment, and if placed in dur- 
ance, the company was authorized to invoke both the civil and 
military power. The Great Seal was affixed to the Act ; the books 
were opened; the shares were fixed at £100 sterling each; and 
every man from the Pentland Firth to the Galway Firth who 
could command the amount was impatient to put down his name. 
The whole kingdom apparently had gone mad. The number of 
shareholders were about fourteen hundred. The books were 
opened February 26, 1696, and the very first subscriber was Anne, 
dutchess of Hamilton. On that day there was subscribed £50,400. 
By the end of March the greater part of the amount had been 
subscribed. On March 5th, a separate book was opened in Glas- 
gow and on it was entered £56,325. The books were closed 


August 3rd of the same year, and on the last day of subscriptions 
there was entered £14,125, reaching the total of £400,000, the 
amount apportioned to Scotland. The cities of Edinburgh and 
Glasgow, in their corporate capacity, each took £3,000 and Perth 
£2,000. Of the subscriptions there were eight of £3,000 each; 
eight of £2,000 each; two of £1,500, and one each of £1,200 and 
£1,125; ninety-seven of £1,000 each; but the great majority con- 
sisted of £100 or £200 each. The whole amount actually paid up 
was £220,000. This may not seem to be a large amount for such 
a country as Scotland, but as already noted, the country had been 
ruined by the English Act of 1660. There were five or six shires 
which did not altogether contain as many guineas and crowns 
as were tossed about every day by the shovels of a single gold- 
smith in Lombard street. Even the nobles had but very little 
money, for a large part of their rents was taken in kind ; and the 
pecuniary remuneration of the clergy was such as to move the 
pity of the most needy, of the present ; yet some of these had in- 
vested their all in hopes that their children might be benefited 
when the golden harvest should come. Deputies in England re- 
ceived subscriptions to the amount of £300,000; and the Dutch 
and Hamburgers subscribed £200,000. 

Those Highland chiefs who had been considered as turbu- 
lent, and are so conspicuous in the history of the day have no place 
in this record of a species of enterprise quite distinct from theirs. 
The houses of Argyle, Athol, and Montrose appear in the list, as 
families who, besides their Highland chiefships, had other stakes 
and interests in the country; but almost the only person with a 
Highland patronymic was John MacPharlane of that ilk, a re- 
tired scholar who followed antiquarian pursuits in the libraries 
beneath the Parliament House. The Keltic prefix of "Mac" is 
most frequently attached to merchants in Inverness, who sub- 
scribed their hundred. 

It is probable that a list of Highlanders who subscribed stock 
may be of interest in this connection. Only such names as are 
purely Highland are here sub-joined with amounts given, and 
also in the order as they appear on the books : 


26 February, 1696: 

John Drummond of Newtoun £ 600 

Adam Gordon of Dalphollie 500 

Master James Campbell, brother-german to the Earle of 

Argyle 500 

John McPharlane of that ilk 200 

Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstown 400 

Sir Colin Campbell of Ardkinlass 500 

Mr. Gilbert Campbell, son to Colin Campbell of Soutar 

houses 400 

2.7 February, 1696: 

John Robertson, merchant in Edinburgh 300 

Matthew St. Clair, Doctor of Medicine 500 

Daniel Mackay, Writer in Edinburgh 200 

Mr. Francis Grant of Cullen, Advocate 100 

Duncan Forbes of Culloden 200 

Arthur Forbes, younger of Echt * 200 

George Southerland, merchant in Edinburgh 200 

Kenneth McKenzie of Cromartie 500 

Major John Forbes 200 

28 February, 1696: 

William Robertsone of Gladney 1 000 

Mungo Graeme of Gorthie 500 

Duncan Campbell of Monzie 500 

James Mackenzie, son to the Viscount of Tarbat 1 000 

2 March, 1696: 

Jerome Robertson, periwig maker, burgess of Edinburgh. . 100 

3 March 1696: 

David Robertsone, Vintner in Edinburgh 200 

William Drummond, brother to Thomas Drummond of 

Logie Almond 5 00 

4 March, 1696: 

Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss 400 

5 March, 1696: 

James Robertson, tylor in Canonget 100 

Sir Thomas Murray of Glendoick 1 000 

6 March, 1696: 

Alexander Murray, son to John Murray of Touchadam. 

and deputed by him 3°° 

7 March 1696: 

John Gordon, Captain in Lord Stranraer's Regiment 100 

Samuell McLelland, merchant in Edinburgh 500 

11 March 1696: 


Aeneas AIcLeocl, Town-Clerk of Edinburgh, in name and 
behalf e of George Viscount of Tarbat, and as having 

commission from him £ I ooo 

17 March, 1696: 

John Menzies, Advocate 200 

William Menzies, merchant in Edinburgh I 000 

19 March, 1696: 

James Drummond, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Air. 

John Graham of Aberuthven 100 

Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline 

Campbell of Soutar Houses 200 

Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline 

Campbell of Soutar Houses 100 

Daniel McKay, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Captain 

Hugh McKay, younger of Borley 300 

Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Cap- 
tain Leonard Robertsone of Straloch 100 

20 March, 1696: 

Alexander Murray, son to George Murray of Touchadam, 

deputed by him 200 

Sir Colin Campbell of Aberuchill, one of the Senators of 

the Colledge of Justice 500 

Andrew Robertson, chyrurgeon in Edinburgh, deputed 

by George Robertstone, younger, merchant in Glasgow 100 

Andrew Robertson, chyrurgeon in Edinburgh 100 

James Gregorie, student 100 

George Earle of Southerland 1 000 

21 March, 1696: 

John McFarlane, Writer to the Signet 200 

23 March, 1696: 

John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovr- 

ain, deputed by the said Samuell Forbes I 000 

John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovr- 

ain, 5 00 

James Gregory, Professor of Mathematiques in the Col- 
ledge of Edinburgh 200 

24 March 1696: 

Patrick Murray of Livingstoun 600 

Ronald Campbell, Writer to his Majesty's Signet, as hav- 
ing deputation from Alexander Gordoune, son to 

Alexander Gordoun, minister at Inverary 100 

William Graham, merchant in Edinburgh 200 

David Drummond, Advocate, deputed by Thomas Graeme 

of Balgowan 600 


David Drummond, Advocate, deputed by John Drum- 

mond of Culqupalzie £ 600 

25 March, 1696: 

John Murray of Deuchar 800 

Sir Robert Sinclair of Stevenstoun 400 

John Sinclair of Stevenstoun 400 

26 March, 1696: 

Helen Drummond, spouse to Colonel James Ferguson as 

commissionate by him 200 

James Murray of Sundhope 100 

John Drummond of Newtoun 400 

John Drummond of Newtoun, for John Stewart of Dal- 

guis, conform to deputation 100 

March 27 : 

Alexander Johnstoune of Elshieshells 400 

John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fov- 
rain, conform to ane deputation by Captain James 
Stewart, in Sir John Hill's regiment, Governor of 

Fort William 100 

Thomas Forbes of Watertoun 200 

William Ross, merchant in Edinburgh 100 

Rachell Johnstoun, relict of Mr. Robert Baylie of Jervis- 

wood 200 

March 28 : 

John Fraser, servitor to Alexander Innes, merchant 100 

Mr. John Murray, Senior Advocate 100 

John Stewart, Writer in Clerk Gibsone's chamber 100 

Mr. Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Col- 
line Campbell of Soutar Houses 200 

Mr. Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Col- 
line Campbell of Soutar Houses, (more), 100 

James Gordon, Senior, merchant in Aberdeen 250 

Thomas Gordon, skipper in Leith 100 

Adam Gordon of Dulpholly 500 

Colin Campbell of Lochlan 200 

Thomas Graeme of Balgowane, by virtue of a deputation 

from David Grseme of Kilor 200 

Patrick Coutts, merchant in Edinburgh, being deputed by 

Alexander Robertsone, merchant in Dundie 200 

David Drummond, of Cultimalindie 600 

John Drummond, brother of David Drummond of Cultima- 
lindie 200 

30 March, 1696: 
James Marquess of Montrose 1 000 


John Murray, doctor of medicine, for Mr. James Murray, 

Chirurgeon in Perth, conform to a deputation £ 200 

William Stewart, doctor of medicine at Perth 100 

Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh, being depute by 

Helen Steuart, relict of Doctor Murray 100 

James Drummond, one of the Clerks to the Bills, being 

deputed by James Meinzies of Shian 100 

Robert Stewart, Junior, Advocate 300 

Master Donald Robertsone, minister of the Gospel 100 

Duncan Campbell of Monzie, by deputation from John 

Drummond of Culquhalzie 100 

John Marquesse of Athole 500 

John Haldane of Gleneagles, deputed by James Murray 

at Orchart Milne 100 

Thomas Johnstone, merchant in Edinburgh 100 

William Meinzies, merchant in Edinburgh 1 000 

Alexander Forbes of Tolquhon 500 

Robert Murray, merchant in Edinburgh 200 

Walter Murray, merchant in Edinburgh 100 

Masier Arthur Forbes, son of the Laird of Cragivar 100 

Robert Fraser, Advocate 100 

Barbara Fraser, relict of George Stirling, Chirurgeon 

apothecary in Edinburgh 200 

Alexander Johnston, merchant in Edinburgh 100 

Sir Robert Sinclair of Stevenstoun, for Charles Sinclair, 

Advocate, his son 100 

The said Thomas Scott, deputed by Patrick Ogilvie of Bal- 
four 400 

The said Thomas Scott, deputed by Thomas Robertson, 

merchant there (i e Dundee) 125 

The said Thomas Scott, deputed by David Drummond, 

merchant in Dundee 100 

Mrs. Anne Stewart, daughter to the deceased John Stew- 
art of Kettlestoun 100 

31 March, 1696: 

Sir Archibald Murray of Blackbarrony 500 

William Stewart, clerk to his Majesty's Customs at Leith 100 

Christian Grierson, daughter to the deceast John Grierson. 100 

Jesper Johnstoune of Waristoun 5°° 

Alexander Forbes, goldsmith in Edinburgh 200 

Master John Campbell, Writer to the Signet 200 

Thomas Campbell, flesher in Edinburgh 200 

Archibald Earle of Argyll 1 5 00 

James Campbell, brother-german to the Earle of Argyll. . . . 200 


William Johnston, postmaster of Hadingtoun £ ioo 

Sir James Murray of Philiphaugh 500 

Andrew Murray, brother to Sundhope 100 

William McLean, master of the Revelles 100 

John Cameron, son to the deceast Donald Cameron, mer- 
chant in Edinburgh 100 

David Forbes, Advocate 200 

Captain John Forbes of Forbestoune 200 

Afternoon : 

Sir Alexander Monro of Bearcrofts 200 

James Gregorie, student of medicine 100 

Mungo Campbell of Burnbank 400 

John Murray, junior, merchant in Edinburgh 400 

Robert Murray, burges in Edinburgh 150 

Dougall Campbell of Sadell 100 

Ronald Campbell, Writer to his Majesty's Signet 200 

Alexander Finlayson, Writer in Edinburgh 100 

John Steuart, Writer in Edinburgh 100 

William Robertson, one of the sub-clerks of the Session . . . 100 

Lady Neil Campbell 200 

Mary Murray, Lady Enterkin, elder 200 

Sir George Campbell of Cesnock 1 000 

7 April : 

Thomas Robertson of Lochbank 400 

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Hugh Robertson, Provost of 

Inverness, conform to deputation 100 

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for James McLean, baillie of 

Invernes, conform to deputation 100 

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for John Mcintosh, baillie of In- 
vernes, conform to deputation 100 

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Alexander McLeane, mer- 
chant of Invernes, conform to deputation 150 

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Robert Rose, late bailie of In- 
vernes, conform to deputation 140 

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Alexander Stewart, skipper 

at Invernes, conform to deputation 150 

Robert Fraser, Advocate, for William Robertson of Inshes, 

conform to deputation 100 

9 April, 1696: 
James Drummond, one of the Clerks of the Bills, for Rob- 
ert Menzies, in Aberfadie, conform to deputation. . . . 100 
John Drummond of Newtoun, depute by John Menzies of 

Camock, Advocate 200 

Archibald Sinclair, Advocate 100 


Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh £ ioo 

John Murray, doctor of medicine, for William Murray of 

Arbony, by virtue of his deputation 200 

Colen Campbell of Bogholt 100 

William Gordone, Writer in Edinburgh 100 

14 Apryle: 

The said Thomas Halliday, Conform to deputation from 

William Ogilvie in Todshawhill 100 

16 Aprill: 

Patrick Murray, lawful son to Patrick Murray of Killor. . 100 

Walter Murray, servitor to George Clerk, junior, mer- 
chant in Edinburgh, deputed by Robert Murray of 
Levelands 150 

John Campbell, Writer to the Signet, for Alexander Camp- 
bell, younger of Calder, conform to deputation 500 

Captain James Drummond of Comrie 200 

April 21 : 

James Cuming, merchant in Edinburgh. ; 100 

James Campbell of Kinpout 100 

James Drummond, Under-Clerk to the Bills, depute by 

Archibald Meinzies of Myln of Kiltney 100 

Robert Blackwood, deputed by John Gordon of Collistoun, 

doctor of medicine 100 

Robert Blackwood, merchant in Edinburgh, deputed by 

Charles Ogilvy, merchant and late baillie of Montrose . 200 

James Ramsay, writer in Edinburg, commission at by Dun- 
can Campbell of Duneaves 100 

Captain Patrick Murray, of Lord Murray's regiment of 

foot 100 

May 5, 1696. 

John Haldane of Gleneagles, conform to deputation from 

Thomas Grahame in Auchterarder 100 

John Drummond of Newtoun, depute by David Graeme of 

Jordanstoun 100 

Samuel McLellan, merchant in Dundee, conform to deputa- 
tion from William Stewart of Castle Stewart 100 

May 14, 1696. 

Andrew Robertsone, chirurgeon in Edinburgh, conform 
to deputation by George Robertsone, Writer in Dun- 
blane 100 

May 21, 1696. 

John Drummond of Newtoun, for Lodovick Drummond, 

chamberland to mv Lord Drummond 100 


May 26, 1696. 
Thomas Drummond of Logie Almond £ 500 

June 2, 1696. 
Robert Fraser, Advocate, by virtue of a deputation from 

Robert Cuming of Relugas, merchant of Inverness. . 100 
Robert Fraser, Advocate, in name of William Duff of 

Dyple, merchant of Inverness 100 

Robert Fraser, Advocate, in name of Alexander Duffe of 

Drumuire, merchant of Inverness 100 

June 4, 1696. 
John Haldane of Gleneagles, depute by John Graham, son 

to John Graham, clerk to the chancellary 100 

Adam Drummond of Meginch 200 

Agnes Campbell, relict of Andrew Anderson, his Majesty's 

printer 100 

July 10. 
John Drummond of Newtoun, for Dame Margaret Gra- 
ham, Lady Kinloch 200 

John Drummond of Newtoun 200 

James Menzies of Schian 100 

Mungo Graeme of Garthie 200 

Sir Alexander Cumyng of Culter 200 

Mr. George Murray, doctor of physick 200 

Patrick Campbell, brother to Monzie 100 

August 1. 

James Lord Drummond 1 000 

Friday, 6 March, 1696. 

John Drummond of Newtoune 1 125 

Saturday, 7 March, 1696. 

John Graham, younger of I 000 

Daniel Campbell, merchant in Glasgow 1 000 

George Robinsoune, belt-maker in Glasgow 100 

John Robinsoune, hammerman in Glasgow 100 

John Robertson, junior, merchant in Glasgow 500 

Munday, 9 March, 1696. 

Mattheu Cuming, junior, merchant in Glasgow 1 000 

William Buchanan, merchant in Glasgow 100 

Marion Davidson, relict of Mr. John Glen, Minister of the 

Gospel 100 

James Johnstoun, merchant in Glasgow 200 

Thomas Johnstoun, merchant in Glasgow 200 


George Johnston, merchant in Glasgow £ 200 

John Buchanan, merchant in Glasgow 100 

John Grahame, younger of Dougaldstoun 1,000 

Tuesday, 10 March, 1696. 

Neill McVicar, tanner in Glasgow 100 

George Buchanan, Maltman in Glasgow 100 

Saturday, 21 March, 1696. 

Archibald Cambell, merchant in Glasgow 100 

Tuesday, 24 March, 1696. 
John Robertsone, younger, merchant in Glasgow, for Ro- 
bert Robertsone, second lawfull sone to Umqll James 

Robertsone, merchant in Glasgow 100 

Tuesday, March 31, 1696. 

Mungo Campbell of Nether Place 100 

Hugh Campbell, merchant, son to deceast Sir Hugh Camp- 
bell of Cesnock 100 

Matthew Campbell of Waterhaugh 100 

Thursday, Agr the 2d of Aprile. 

Mungo Campbell, merchant in Ayr 100 

David Fergursone, merchant in Ayr 100 

Wednesday the 15th day, 1696. 

Captain Charles Forbes, of Sir John Hill's regiment 200 

Captain James Menzies, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100 

Captain Francis Ferquhar, of Sir John Hill's regiment. . . . 100 
Thursday, 16 Aprile, 1696. 

Captain Charles Forbes, of Sir John Hill's regiment 200 

Fry day, 17 Aprile. 
Lieutenant Charles Ross, of Sir John Hill's regiment. . . . 100* 

It is more than probable that some names should not be in- 
serted above, as the name Graeme, for it may belong to the clan 
Graham of the Highlands, or else to the debateable land, near 
Carlisle, which is more likely. We know that where they had 
made themselves adverse to both sides, they were forced to emi- 
■ grate in large numbers. Some of them settled near Bangor, in 
the county of Down, Ireland. How large a per cent, of the sub- 
scribers who lived in the lowlands, and born out of the Highlands, 
would be impossible to determine. Then names of parties, born 
in the Highlands and of Gaelic blood have undoubtedly been 
omitted owing to change of name. By the change in spelling of 
the name, it would indicate that some had left Ulster where their 
forefathers had settled, and taken up their residence in Scotland. 

* The Darien Papers, pp. 371-417. 


It will also be noticed that the clans bordering the Grampians 
were most affected by the excitement while others seemingly did 
not even feel the breeze. 

The Darien Scheme at best was but suppositious, for no ex- 
periment had been tried in order to forecast a realization of what 
was expected. There was, it is true, a glitter about it, but there 
were materials within the reach of all from which correct data 
might have been obtained. It seems incredible that men of 
sound judgment should have risked everything, when they only 
had a vague or general idea of Paterson's plans. It was also a 
notorious fact that Spain claimed sovereignty over the Isthmus of 
Panama, and, even if she had not, it was unlikely that she would 
tolerate such a colony, as was proposed, in the very heart of her 
transatlantic dominions. Spain owned the Isthmus both by the 
right of discovery and possession; and the very country which 
Paterson had described in such radiant colors had been found by 
the Castilian settlers to be a land of misery and of death ; and on 
account of the poisonous air they had been compelled to remove to 
the neighboring haven of Panama. All these facts, besides others, 
might easily have been ascertained by members of the Company. 

As has already been intimated, the Scots alone were not 
drawn into this vortex of wild excitement, and are no more to be 
held responsible for the delusion than some of other nationalities. 
The English people were seized with the dread of Scottish pros- 
perity resulting from the enterprise, and England's jealousy of 
trade at once interfered to crush an adventure which seemed so 
promising. The English East India Company instigated a cry, 
echoed by the city of London, and taken up by the nation, which 
induced their parliament, when it met for the first time, after the 
elections of 1695, to give its unequivocal condemnation to the 
scheme. One peer declared, "If these Scots are to have their way 
I shall go and settle in Scotland, and not stay here to be made a 
beggar." The two Houses of Parliament went up together to 
Kensington and represented to the king the injustice of requiring 
England to exert her power in support of an enterprise which, if 
successful, must be fatal to her commerce and to her finances. 
William replied in plain terms that he had been illy-treated in 
Scotland, but that he would try to find a remedy for the evil which 


had been brought to his attention. At once he dismissed Lord 
High Commissioner Tweeddale and Secretary Johnston; but the 
Act which had been passed under their management still continued 
to be law in Scotland. 

The Darien Company might have surmounted the opposition 
of the English parliament and the East India Company, had not 
the Dutch East India Company — a body remarkable for its mo- 
nopolizing character — also joined in the outcry against the Scot- 
tish enterprise ; incited thereto by the king through Sir Paul 
Rycaut, the British resident at Hamburg, directing him to trans- 
mit to the senate of that commercial city a remonstrance on the 
part of king William, accusing them of having encouraged the 
commissioners of the Darien Company ; requesting them to desist 
from doing so; intimating that the plan had not the king's sup- 
port; and a refusal to withdraw their countenance from the scheme 
would threaten an interruption to his friendship with the good city 
of Hamburg. The result of this interference was the almost total 
withdrawal of the Dutch and English subscriptions, which was 
accelerated by the threatened impeachment, by the English par- 
liament, of such persons who had subscribed to the Company ; 
and, furthermore, were compelled to renounce their connection 
with the Company, besides misusing some native-born Scotchmen 
who had offended the House by subscribing their own money to a 
company formed in their own country, and according to their 
own laws. 

The managers of the scheme, supported by the general public 
of Scotland, entered a strong protest against the king's hostile 
interference of his Hamburg envoy. In his answer the king" 
evaded what he was resolved not to grant, and yet could not in 
equity refuse. By the double dealing of the monarch the Com- 
pany Tost the active support of the subscribers in Hamburg and 

In spite of the desertion of her English and foreign subscrib- 
ers the Scots, encouraged in they- stubborn resolution, and flat- 
tered by hopes that captivated their imaginations, decided to enter 
the project alone. A stately house in Milne Square, then the 
most modern and fashionable part of Edinburgh, was purchased 



and fitted up for an office and warehouse. It was called the Scot- 
tish India House. Money poured faster than ever into the coffers 
of the Company. Operations were actively commenced during 
the month of May, 1696. Contracts were rapidly let and orders 
filled — smith and cutlery work at Falkirk ; woollen stockings at 
Aberdeen ; gloves and other leather goods at Perth ; various me- 
tallic works, hats, shoes, tobacco-pipes, serges, linen cloth, bob- 
wigs and periwigs, at Edinburgh ; and for home-spun and home- 
woven woollen checks or tartan, to various parts of the Highlands. 

Scottish India House. 

As the means for building ships in Scotland did not then ex- 
ist, recourse was had to the dockyards of Amsterdam and Ham- 
burg. At an expense of £50,000 a few inferior ships were pur- 
chased, and fitted out as ships of war; for their constitution au- 
thorized them to make war both by land and sea. The vessels 
were finally fitted out at Leith, consisting of the Caledonia, the St. 
Andrew, the Unicorn, and the Dolphin, each armed with fifty 
guns and two tenders, the Endeavor and Pink, afterwards sunk 
at Darien; and among the commodities stored away were axes, 


iron wedges, knives, smiths', carpenters' and coopers' tools, bar- 
rels, guns, pistols, combs, shoes, hats, paper, tobacco-pipes, and, 
as was supposed, provisions enough to last eight months. The 
value of the cargo of the St. Andrew was estimated at £4,006. 
The crew and colonists consisted of twelve hundred picked men, 
the greater part of whom were veterans who had served in king 
William's wars, and the remainder of Highlanders and others 
who had opposed the revolution, and three hundred gentlemen of 
family, desirous of trying their fortunes. 

It was on July 26, 1698, that the vessels weighed anchor and 
put out to sea. A wild insanity seized the entire population of 
Edinburgh as they came to witness the embarkation. Guards 
were kept busy holding back the eager crowd who pressed for- 
ward, and, stretching out their arms to their departing country- 
men, clamored to be taken on board. Stowaways, when ordered 
on shore, madly clung to rope and mast, pleading in vain to be 
allowed to serve without pay on board the ships. Women sobbed 
and gasped for breath ; men stood uncovered, and with downcast 
head and choked utterance invoked the blessing of the Beneficent 
Being. The banner of St. Andrew was hoisted at the admiral's 
mast; and as a light wind caught the sails, the roar of the vast 
multitude was heard far down the waters of the frith. 

The actual destination of the fleet was still a profound secret, 
save to a few. The supreme direction of the expedition was en- 
trusted to a council of seven, to whom was entrusted all power, 
both civil and military. The voyage was long and the adventur- 
ers suffered much; the rations proved to be scanty, and of poor 
quality; and the fleet, after passing the Orkneys and Ireland, 
touched at Madeira, where those who had fine clothes were glad 
to exchange them for provisions and wines. Having crossed the 
Atlantic, they first landed on an uninhabited islet lying between 
Porto Rico and St. Thomas, which they took possession of in the 
name of their country, and hoisted the white cross of St. Andrew. 
Being warned off for trespassing on the territory of the king of 
Denmark, and having procured the services of an old buccaneer, 
under whose pilotage they departed, on November 1st they an- 
chored close to the Isthmus of Panama, having lost fifteen of their 


number during the voyage. On the 4th they landed at Acla; 
founded there a settlement to which they gave the name of New 
St. Andrews ; marked out the site for another town and called it 
New Edinburgh. The weather was genial and climate pleasant 
at the time of their arrival ; the vegetation was luxuriant and prom- 
ising; the natives were kind; and everything presaged a bright 
future for the fortune-seekers. They cut a canal through the 
neck of land that divided one side of the harbor from the ocean, 
and there constructed a fort, whereon they mounted fifty cannon. 
On a mountain, at the opposite side of the harbor, they built a 
watchhouse, where the extensive view prevented all danger of a 
surprise. Lands were purchased from the Indians, and messages 
of friendship were sent to the governors of the several Spanish 
provinces. As the amount of funds appropriated for the suste- 
nance of the colony had been largely embezzled by those having 
the matter in charge, the people were soon out of provisions. 
Fishing and the chase were now the only sources, and as these 
were precarious, the colonists were soon on the verge of starva- 
tion. As the summer drew near the atmosphere became stifling, 
and the exhalations from the steaming soil, added to other causes, 
wrought death among the settlers. The mortality rose gradually 
to ten a day. Both the clergymen who accompanied the expedi- 
tion were dead ; one of them, Rev. Thomas James, died at sea be- 
fore the colonists landed, and soon after the arrival Rev. Adam 
Scot succumbed. Paterson buried his wife in that soil, which, 
as he had assured his too credulous countrymen, exhaled health 
and vigor. Men passed to the hospital, and from thence to the 
grave, and the survivors were only kept alive through the friendly 
offices of the Indians. Affairs continued daily to grow worse. 
The Spaniards on the isthmus looked with complacency on the 
distress of the Scotchmen. No relief, and no tidings coming 
from Scotland, the survivors on June 22, 1699, ^ ess tnan eight 
months after their arrival, resolved to abandon the settlement. 
They re-embarked in three vessels, a weak and hopeless company, 
to sail whithersoever Providence might direct. Paterson, the first 
to embark at Leith, was the last to re-embark at Darien. He 
begged hard to be left behind with twenty or more companions to 


keep up a show of possession, and to await the next arrival from 
Scotland. His importunities were disregarded, and, utterly help- 
less, he was carried on board the St. Andrew, and soon after the 
vessels stood out to sea. The voyage was horrible. It might be 
compared to the horrors of a slave ship. 

The ocean kept secret the sufferings on board these pestilen- 
tial ships until August 8th, when the Caledonia, commanded by 
Captain Robert Drummond, drifted into Sandy Hook, New York, 
having lost one hundred and three men since leaving Darien, and 
twelve more within four days after arrival, leaving but sixty-live 
men on board fit for handling ropes. The three ships, on leaving 
Darien, had three hundred each, including officers, crew and col- 
onists. On August 13th, the Unicorn, commanded by Captain 
John Anderson, came into New York in a distressed condition, 
having lost her foremast, fore topmast, and mizzen mast. She 
lost one hundred and fifty men on the way. It appears that Cap- 
tain Robert Pennicuik of the St. Andrew knew of the helpless 
condition of the Unicorn, and accorded no assistance.* As might 
be expected, passion was engendered amidst this scene of misery. 
The squalid survivors, in the depths of their misery, raged fiercely 
against one another. Charges of incapacity, cruelty, brutal inso- 
lence, were hurled backward and forward. The rigid Presbyter- 
ians attributed the calamities to the wickedness of Jacobites, Pre- 
latists, Sabbath-breakers and Atheists, as they denominated some 
of their fellow-sufferers. The accused parties, on the other hand, 
complained bitterly of the impertinence of meddling fanatics and 
hypocrites. Paterson was cruelly reviled, and was unable to de- 
fend himself. He sunk into a stupor, and became temporarily 

The arrival of the two ships in New York awakened different 
emotions. There certainly was no danger of these miserable peo- 
ple doing any harm, and yet their appearance awakened apprehen- 
sion, on account of orders received from the king. After the 
proclamations which had been issued against these miserable fugi- 
tives, it became a question of difficulty, since the governor of New 

*" Darien Papers," pp 195, 275. 


York was absent in Boston, whether it was safe to provide the 
dying men with harborage and necessary food. Natural feelings 
overcame the difficulty; the more selfish and timid would have 
stood aloof and let fate take its course: there being a sufficient 
number of them to make the more generous feel that their efforts 
to save life were not made without risks. Even putting the most 
favorable construction on the act of the earl of Bellomont, gover- 
nor of Rhode Island, who was appealed to for advice, by the lieu- 
tenant governor of New York, the colonists were provoked by the 
actions of those in authority. Bellomont, in his report to the 
Lords of Trade, under date of October 20, 1699, states that the 
sufferers drew up a memorial to the lieutenant governor for per- 
mission to buy provisions ; would not act until Bellomont gave his 
instructions ; latter thinks the colonists became insolent after be- 
ing refreshed ; and "your Lordships will see that I have been cau- 
tious enough in my orders to the lieutenant governor of New 
York, not to suffer the Scotch to buy more provisions, than would 
serve to carry them home to Scotland."* On October 12th the 
Caledonia set sail from Sandy Hook, made the west coast of Ire- 
land, November nth, and on the 20th of same month anchored in 
the Sound of Islay, Scotland. 

The story of the Unicorn is soon told. "John Anderson, a 
Scotch Presbyterian, who commanded a ship to Darien in the 
Scottish expedition thither and on his return in at Amboy, N. 
Jersey, & let his ship rot & plundered her & with ye plunder 
bought land." t 

The St. Andrew parted company with the Caledonia the sec- 
ond day after leaving the settlement, and two nights later saw the 
Unicorn almost wholly dismasted, and on the following day was 
pursued by the Baslavento fleet. They put into Jamaica, but were 
denied assistance, in obedience to king William's orders; and a 
British admiral, Bembo, refused to give them some men to assist 
in bringing the ship to the isle of Port Royal. During the voy- 
age to Port Royal, they lost the commander, Captain Pennicuik, 

♦"Documentary and Colonial History of New York," Vol. IV, p. 591. 
ilbid, Vol. V, p. 335. 


most of the officers and one hundred and thirty of the men, before 
landing, on August 9, 1699. * 

The Dolphin, Captain Robert Pincarton, commander, used 
as a supply and trading ship, of fourteen guns, on February 5, 
1699, struck a rock and ran ashore at Carthagena, the crew seized 
by the Spaniards, and in irons were put in dungeons as pirates. 
The Spaniards congratulated themselves on having captured a 
few of "the ruffians" who had been the terror and curse of their 
settlements for a century. They were formally condemned to 
death, but British interference succeeded in preventing the sen- 
tence on the crew from being executed. 

On the week following the departure of the expedition from 
Leith, the Scottish parliament met and unanimously adopted an 
address to the king, asking his support and countenance to the 
Darien colony. Notwithstanding this memorial the British mon- 
arch ordered the governors of Jamaica, Barbadoes and New York 
to refuse all supplies to the settlers. Up to this time the king 
had partly concealed his policy. No time was lost by the East 
India Companies in bringing every measure to bear in order to 
ruin the colony. To such length did rancor go that the Scotch 
commanders who should presume to enter English ports, even for 
repairs after a storm, were threatened with arrest. In obedience 
to the king's orders the governors issued proclamations, which 
they attempted strictly to enforce ; and every species of relief, not 
only that which countrymen can claim of their fellow-subjects, 
and Christians of their fellow-Christians, and such as the veriest 
criminal has a right to demand, was denied the colonists of Darien. 

On May 12, 1699, there sailed from Leith the Olive Branch, 
Captain William Johnson, commander, and the Hopeful, under 
Captain Alexander Stark, with ample stores of provisions, and 
three hundred recruits, but did not arrive at Darien until eight 
weeks after the departure of the colonists. Findnig that the set- 
tlement had been abandoned, and leaving six of their number, who 
preferred to remain, but were afterwards brought away, the Hope- 
ful sailed for Jamaica, where she was seized and condemned as a 
prize. "The Olive Branch was unfortunately blown up at Cale- 
donia" (Darien). \ 

*" Darien Papers," p. 150. t" Darien Papers," p. 160. 


The Spaniards had not only become aggressive by seizing 
the Dolphin and incarcerating the officers and crew, but their gov- 
ernment made no remonstrance against the invasion of its terri- 
tory until May 3, 1699, when a memorial was presented to Wil- 
liam by the Spanish ambassador stating that his sovereign looked 
on the proceedings as a rupture of the alliance between the two 
countries, and as a hostile invasion, and would take such meas- 
ures as he thought best against the intruders. It is possible that 
at this time Spain would not have taken any action whatever, if 
William had pursued a different course; and seeing that the col- 
onists had been abandoned and disowned by their own king, as if 
they had been vagabonds or outlaws, the Spaniards, in a manner, 
felt themselves invited to precipitate a crisis, which they accom- 

In the meantime the directors of the Darien Company were 
actively organizing another expedition and hastily sent out four 
more vessels — the Rising Sun, Captain James Gibson ; the Hope, 
Captain James Miller; the Hope of Barrowstouness, Captain 
Richard Daling; and the Duke of Hamilton, Captain Walter Dun- 
can ; with thirteen hundred "good men well appointed," besides 
materials of war. This fleet left Greenock August 18, 1699, but 
having been delayed by contrary winds, did not leave the Bay of 
Rothsay, Isle of Bute, until Sunday, Septemebr 24th. On Thurs- 
day, November 30, the fleet reached its destination, after consid- 
erable suffering and some deaths on board. These vessels con- 
tained engineers, fire-workers, bombardiers, battery guns of twen- 
ty-four pounds, mortars and bombs. The number of men men- 
tioned included over three hundred Highlanders, chiefly from the 
estate of Captain Alexander Campbell of Fonab, most of whom 
had served under him, in Flanders, in Lorn's regiment. During 
the voyage the Hope was cast away. Captain Miller loaded the 
long boat very deep with provisions, goods and arms, and pro- 
ceeded towards Havana. He arrived safely at Darien. 

A large proportion of the second expedition belonged to the 
military, and were organized. Among the Highland officers are 
noticed the following names : Captains Colin Campbell, Thomas 
Mcintosh, James Urquhart, Alexander Stewart, Ferquhar, 


and Grant ; Lieutenants Charles Stewart, Samuel Johnston, 

John Campbell and Walter Graham ; Ensigns Hugh Campbell and 
Robert Colquhon, and Sergeant Campbell. 

The members of this expedition were greatly disappointed 
on their arrival. They fully expected to find a secure fortifica- 
tion, a flourishing town, cultivated fields, and a warm reception. 
Instead they found a wilderness ; the castle in ruins ; the huts 
burned, and grass growing over the ruins. Their hearts sank 
within them; for this fleet had not been fitted out to found a 
colony, but to recruit and protect one already in a flourishing con- 
dition. They were worse provided with the necessaries of life 
than their predecessors had been. They made feeble attempts to 
restore the ruins. They constructed a fort on the old grounds; 
and within the ramparts built a hamlet consisting of about eighty- 
five cabins, generally of twelve feet by ten. The work went slow- 
ly on, without hope or encouragement. Despondency and discon- 
tent pervaded all ranks. The provisions became scanty, and un- 
fair dealing resorted to. There were plots and factions formed, 
and one malcontent hanged. Nor was the ecclesiastical part 
happily arranged. The provision made by the General Assembly 
was as defective as the provision for the temporal wants had been 
made by the directors of the company. Of the four divines, 
one of them, Alexander Dalgleish, died at sea, on board of Cap- 
tain Duncan's vessel. They were all of the established church of 
Scotland, who had the strongest sympathy with the Cameronians. 
They were at war with almost all the colonists. The antagonisms 
between priest and people were extravagant and fatal. They de- 
scribed their flocks as the most profligate of mankind, and declared 
it was most impossible to constitute a presbytery, for it was im- 
possible to find persons fit to be ruling elders of a Christian 
church. This part of the trouble can easily be accounted for. 
One-third of the people were Highlanders, who did not under- 
stand a word of English, and not one of the pastors knew a word 
of Gaelic ; and only through interpreters could they converse with 
this large body of men. It is also more than probable that many 
of these men, trained to war, had more or less of a tendency to 
fling off every corrective band. Both Rev. John Borland and Rev. 


Alexander Shiels, author of the "Hynd let Loose," were stern fa- 
natics who would tolerate nothing diverging a shade from their 
own code of principles. They treated the people as persons un- 
der their spiritual authority, and required of them fastings, hu- 
miliations, and long attendance on sermons and exhorations. 
Such pastors were treated with contempt and ignominy by men 
scarcely inclined to bear ecclesiastical authority, even in its 
lightest form. They mistook their mission, which was to give 
Christian counsel, and to lead gently and with dignity from error 
into rectitude. Instead of this they fell upon the flock like irri- 
tated schoolmasters who find their pupils in mutiny. They be- 
came angry and dominative ; and the more they thus exhibited 
themselves, the more scorn and contumely they encountered. 
Meanwhile two trading sloops arrived in the harbor with a small 
stock of provisions ; but the supply was inadequate ; so five hun- 
dred of the party were ordered to embark for Scotland. 

The news of the abandonment of the settlement by the first 
expedition was first rumored in London during the middle of 
September, 1699. Letters giving such accounts had been re- 
ceived from Jamaica. The report reached Edinburgh on the 19th, 
but was received with scornful incredulity. It was declared 
to be an impudent lie devised by some Englishmen who could not 
endure the sight of Scotland waxing great and opulent. On 
October 4th the whole truth was known, for letters had been re- 
ceived from New York announcing that a few miserable men, the 
remains of the colony, had arrived in the Hudson. Grief, dis- 
may, and rage seized the nation. The directors in their rage 
called the colonists white-livered deserters. Accurate accounts 
brought the realization of the truth that hundreds of families, 
once in comparative opulence, were now reduced almost to beg- 
gary, and the flower of the nation had either succumbed to hard- 
ships, or else were languishing in prisons in the Spanish settle- 
ments, or else starving in English colonies. The bitterness of 
disappointment was succeded by an implacable hostility to the 
king, who was denounced in pamphlets of the most violent and 
inflammatory character, calling him a hypocrite, and a deceiver 
of those who had shed their best blood in his cause, and the au- 


thor of the misfortunes of Scotland. Indemnification, redress, 
and revenge were demanded by every mouth, and each hand was 
ready to vouch for the claim. Never had just such a feeling ex- 
isted in Scotland. It became a useless possession to the king, 
for he could not wring one penny from that kingdom for the 
public service, and, what was more important to him, he could 
not induce one recruit for his continental wars. William con- 
tinued to remain indifferent to all complaints of hardships and 
petitions of redress, unless when he showed himself irritated by 
the importunity of the suppliants, and hurt at being obliged to 
evade what it was impossible for him, with the least semblance 
of justice to refuse. The feeling against William long continued 
in Scotland. As late as November 5, 1788, when it was proposed 
that a monument should be erected in Edinburgh to his memory, 
there appeared in one of the papers an anonymous communication 
ironically applauding the undertaking, and proposing as two sub- 
jects of the entabulature, for the base of the projected column, 
the massacre of Glencoe and the distresses of the Scottish colo- 
nists in Darien. On the appearance of this article the project was 
very properly and righteously abandoned. The result of the 
Darien Scheme and the cold-blooded policy of William made the 
Scottish nation ripe for rebellion. Had there been even one 
member of the exiled house of Stuart equal to the occasion, that 
family could then have returned to Scotland amid the joys and 
acclamations of the nation. 

Amidst the disasters of the first expedition the directors of 
the company were not unmindful of the fate of those who had 
sailed in the last fleet. These people must be promptly succored. 
The company hired the ship Margaret, commanded by Captain 
Leonard Robertson, which sailed from Dundee, March 9, 1700; 
but what was of greater importance was the commission given to 
Captain Alexander Campbell of Fonab, under date of October 10, 
1699, making him a councillor of the company and investing him 
with "the chief and supreme command, both by sea and by land, 
of all ships, men, forts, settlements, lands, possessions, and others 
whatsoever belonging to the said company in any part or parts 
of America,"* with instructions to lose no time in taking passage 

*" Darien Papers," p. 176. 


for Jamaica, or the Leeward Islands and there secure a vessel, 
with three or four months' provisions for the colony. Arriving 
at the Barbadoes, he then purchased a vessel with a cargo of pro- 
visions, and on January 24, 1700, sailed for Darien, which he 
reached February 5th, and just in time to be of active service ; for 
intelligence had reached the colony that fifteen hundred Spaniards 
lay encamped on the Rio Santa Maria, waiting the arrival of an 
armament of eleven ships, with troops on board, destined to attack 
Ft. St. Andrew. Captain Campbell of Fonab, who had gained 
for himself great reputation in Flanders as an approved warrior, 
resolved to anticipate the enemy, and at once mustering two hun- 
dred of his veteran troops, accompanied by sixty Indians, 
marched over the mountains, and fell on the Spanish camp by 
night, and dispersed them with great slaughter, with a loss to the 
colony of nine killed and fourteen wounded, among the latter be- 
ing their gallant commander. The Spaniards could not with- 
stand the tumultuous rush of the Highlanders, and in precipitate 
flight left a large number of their dead upon the field. The little 
band, among the spoils, brought back the Spanish commander's 
decoration of the "Golden Fleece/' When they recrossed the 
mountains it was to find their poor countrymen blockaded by five 
Spanish men-of-war. Campbell, and others, believing that no in- 
equalities justified submission to such an enemy, determined on 
resistance, but soon discovered that resistance was in vain, when 
they could only depend on diseased, starving and broken-hearted 
men. As the Spaniards would not include Captain Campbell in 
the terms of capitulation, he managed, with several companions, 
dexterously to escape in a small vessel, sailed for New York, and 
from thence to Scotland. The defence of the colony under 
Fonab's genius had been heroic. When ammunition had given 
out, their pewter dishes were fashioned into cannon balls. On 
March 18, 1700, the colonists capitulated on honorable terms. It 
was a received popular opinion in Scotland that none of those 
who were concerned in the surrender ever returned to their native 
country. So weak were- the survivors, and so few in numbers, 
that they were unable to weigh the anchor of their largest ship 


until the Spaniards came to their assistance. What became of 
them? Their melancholy tale is soon told. 

The Earl of Bellomont, writing to the Lords of the Admir- 
alty, under date, New York, October 15, 1700, says:* 

"Some Scotchmen are newly come hither from Carolina that 
belonged to the ship Rising Sun (the biggest ship they set out for 
their Caledonia expedition) who tell me that on the third of last 
month a hurricane happened on that coast, as that ship lay at 
anchor, within less than three leagues of Charles Town in Caro- 
lina with another Scotch ship called the Duke of Hamilton, and 
three or four others; that the ships were all shattered in pieces 
and all the people lost, and not a man saved. The Rising Sun 
had 112 men on board. The Scotch men that are come hither say 
that 15 of 'em went on shore before the storm to buy fresh pro- 
visions at Charles Town by which means they were saved. Two 
other of their ships they suppose were lost in the Gulph of Flor- 
ida in the same storm. They came all from Jamaica and were 
bound hither to take in provisions on their way to Scotland. The 
Rising Sun had 60 guns mounted and could have carryed many 
more, as they tell me." 

The colonists found a watery grave. No friendly hand nor 

sympathizing tear soothed their dying moments ; no clergyman 

eulogized their heroism, self-sacrifice and virtues; no orator has 

pronounced a panegyric; no poet has embalmed their memory in 

song, and no novelist has taken their record for a fanciful story. 

Since their mission was a failure their memory is doomed to rest 

without marble monument or graven image. To the merciful 

and the just they will be honored as heroes and pioneers. 

*" Documents Relating to Colonial History of New York," Vol. IV, p. 711. 

The Highlanders in North Carolina. 

The earliest, largest and most important settlement of High- 
landers in America, prior to the Peace of 1783, was in North Car- 
olina, along Cape Fear River, about one hundred miles from its 
mouth, and in what was then Bladen, but now Cumberland 
County. The time when the Highlanders began to occupy this 
territory is not definitely known; but some were located there in 
1729, at the time of the separation of the province into North and 
South Carolina. It is not known what motive caused the first set- 
tlers to select that region. There was no leading clan in this 
movement, for various ones were well represented. At the head- 
waters of navigation these pioneers literally pitched their tent in 
the wilderness, for there were but few human abodes to offer 
them shelter. The chief occupants of the soil were the wild deer, 
turkeys, wolves, raccoons, opossums, with huge rattlesnakes to- 
contest the intrusion. Fortunately for the homeless immigrant 
the climate was genial, and the stately tree would afford him shel- 
ter while he constructed a house out of logs proffered by the for- 
est. Soon they began to fell the primeval forest, grub, drain, and 
clear the rich alluvial lands bordering on the river, and plant such 
vegetables as were to give them subsistence. 

In course of time a town was formed, called Campbellton, 
then Cross Creek, and after the Revolution, in honor of the great 
Frenchman, who was so truly loyal to Washington, it was per- 
manently changed to Fayetteville. 

The immigration to North Carolina was accelerated, not only 
by the accounts sent back to the Highlanders of Scotland by the 
first settlers, but particularly under the patronage of Gabriel 
Johnston, governor of the province from 1734 until his death in 
1752. He was born in Scotland, educated at the University of St. 


Andrews, where he became professor of Oriental languages, and 
still later a political writer in London. He bears the reputation 
of having done more to promote the prosperity of North Carolina 
than all its other colonial governors combined. However, he was 
often arbitrary and unwise with his power, besides having the 
usual misfortune of colonial governors of being at variance with 
the legislature. He was very partial to the people of his native 
country, and sought to better their condition by inducing them to 
emigrate to North Carolina. Among the charges brought against 
him, in 1748, was his inordinate fondness for Scotchmen, and even 
Scotch rebels. So great, it was alleged, was his partiality for the 
latter that he showed no joy over the king's "glorious victory of 
Culloden;" and "that he had appointed one William McGregor, 
who had been in the Rebellion in the year 171 5, a Justice of the 
Peace during the late Rebellion (1745) and was not himself with- 
out suspicion of disaffection to His Majesty's Government."* 

The "Colonial Records of North Carolina" contain many dis- 
tinctively Highland names, most of which refer to persons whose 
nativity was in the Scottish Highlands ; but these furnish no cer- 
tain criterion, for doubtless some of the parties, though of High- 
land parents, were born in the older provinces, while in later 
colonial history others belong to the Scotch-Irish, who came in 
that great wave of migration from Ulster, and found a lodgment 
upon the headwaters of the Cape Fear, Pee Dee and Neuse. 
Many of the early Highland emigrants were very prominent in the 
annals of the colony, among whom none were more so than Col- 
onel James Innes, who was born about the year 1700 at Cannisbay, 
a town on the extreme northern point of the coast of Scotland. 
He was a personal friend of Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, 
who in 1754 appointed him commander-in-chief of all the forces 
in the expedition to the Ohio, — George Washington being the col- 
onel commanding the Virginia regiment. He had previously seen 
some service as a captain in the unsuccessful expedition against 

The real impetus of the Highland emigration to North Caro- 

*North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. IV, p. 931. 


lina was the arrival, in 1739, of a "shipload," under the guidance 
of Neil McNeill, of Kintyre, Scotland, who settled also on the 
Cape Fear, amongst those who had preceded him. Here he found 
Hector McNeill, called "Bluff Hector,' from his residence near 
the bluffs above Cross Creek. 

Neil McNeill, with his countrymen, landed on the Cape Fear 
during the month of September. They numbered three hundred 
and fifty souls, principally from Argyleshire. At the ensuing ses- 
sion of the legislature they made application for substantial en- 
couragement, that they might thereby be able to induce the rest of 
their friends and acquaintances to settle in the country. While 
this petition was pending, in order to encourage them and others 
and also to show his good will, the governor appointed, by the 
council of the province, a certain number of them justices of the 
peace, the commissions bearing date of February 28, 1740. The 
proceedings show that it was "ordered that a new commission of 
peace for Bladen directed to the following persons : Mathew 
Rowan, Wm. Forbes, Hugh Blaning, John Clayton, Robert Ham- 
ilton, Griffeth Jones, James Lyon, Duncan Campbel, Dugold Mc- 
Neil, Dan McNeil, Wm. Bartram and Samuel Baker hereby con- 
stituting and appointing them Justices of the Peace for the said 

These were the first so appointed. The petition was first 
heard in the upper house of the legislature, at Newbern, and on 
January 26, 1740, the following action was taken: 

"Resolved, that the Persons mentioned in said Petition, shall 
be free from payment of any Publick or County tax for Ten 
years next ensuing their Arrival. 

"Resolved, that towards their subsistence the sum of one 
thousand pounds be paid out of the Publick money, by His Ex- 
cellency's warrant to be lodged with Duncan Campbell, Dugald 
McNeal, Daniel McNeal, Coll. McAlister and Neal McNeal 
Esqrs., to be by them distributed among the several families in 
the said Petition mentioned. 

"Resolved, that as an encouragement for Protestants to re- 
move from Europe into this Province, to settle themselves in 
bodys or Townships, That all such as shall so remove into this 

*Ibid, p. 447. 



Province, Provided they exceed forty persons in one body or Com- 
pany, they shall be exempted from payment of any Publick or 
County tax for the space of Ten years, next ensuing their Arrival. 

"Resolved, that an address be presented to his Excellency the 
Governor to desire him to use his Interest, in such manner, as he 
shall think most proper to obtain an Instruction for giveing en- 
couragement to Protestants from foreign parts, to settle in Town- 
ships within this Province, to be set apart for that purpose after 
the manner, and with such priviledges and advantages, as is prac- 
tised in South Carolina."* 

The petition was concurred in by the lower house on Febru- 
ary 2 ist, and on the 26th, after reciting the action of the upper 
house in relation to the petition, passed the following : 

"Resolved, That this House concurs with the several Re- 
solves of the Upper House in the abovesd Message Except that re- 
lateing to the thousand pounds which this House refers till next 
Session of Assembly for Consideration." f 

At a meeting of the council held at Wilmington, June 4, 1740, 
there were presented petitions for patents of lands, by the follow- 
ing persons, giving acres and location, as granted : 

Thos Clarks 
James McLachlan 
Hector McNeil 
Duncan Campbell 
James McAlister 
James McDugald 
Duncan Campbell 
Hugh McCraine 
Duncan Campbell 
Gilbert Pattison 
Rich Lovett 
Rd Earl 
Jno McFerson 
Duncan Campbell 
Neil McNeil 
Duncan Campbell 
Jno Clark 
Malcolm McNeil 
Neil McNeil 
Arch Bug 











N. Hanover 




N. Hanover 





*Ibid, p. 490. flbid, p. 533. 



Duncan Campbel 
Jas McLachlen 
Murdock McBraine 
Jas Campbel 
Patric Stewart 
Arch Campley 
Dan McNeil 
Neil McNeil 
Duncan Campbel 
Jno Martileer 
Daniel McNeil 
Wm Stevens 
Dan McNeil 
Jas McLachlen 
Wm Speir 
Jno Clayton 
Sam Portevint 
Charles Harrison 
Robt Walker 
Jas Smalwood 
Wm Far is 
Richd Carlton 
Duncan Campbel 
Neil McNeil 
Alex McKey 
Henry Skibley 
Jno Owen 
Duncan Campbel 
Dougal Stewart 
Arch Douglass 
James Murray 
Robt Clark 
Duncan Campbel 
James McLachlen 
Arch McGill 
Jno Speir 
James Fergus 
Rufus Marsden 
Hugh Blaning 
Robt Hardy 
Wm Jones 












(400) 400 




















640 640 




























* * 





(surplus land) 



354 350 


*Ibid, p. 453. 


All the above names, by no means are Highland ; but as they 
occur in the same list, in all probability, came on the same ship, 
and were probably connected by kindred ties with the Gaels. 

The colony was destined soon to receive a great influx from 
the Highlands of Scotland, due to the frightful oppression and 
persecution which immediately followed the battle of Culloden. 
Not satisfied with the merciless harrying of the Highlands, the 
English army on its return into England carried with it a large 
number of prisoners, and after a hasty military trial many were 
publicly executed. Twenty-two suffered death in Yorkshire; 
seventeen were put to death in Cumberland; and seventeen at 
Kennington Common, near London. When the king's vengeance 
had been fully glutted, he pardoned a large number, on condition 
of their leaving the British Isles and emigrating to the planta- 
tions, after having first taken the oath of allegiance. 

The collapsing of the romantic scheme to re-establish the 
Stuart dynasty, in which so many brave and generous moun- 
taineers were enlisted, also brought an indiscriminate national 
punishment upon the Scottish Gaels, for a blow was struck not 
only at those "who were out" with prince Charles, but also those 
who fought for the reigning dynasty. Left without chief, or pro- 
tector, clanship broken up, homes destroyed and kindred mur- 
dered, dispirited, outlawed, insulted and without hope of pallia- 
tion or redress, the only ray of light pointed across the Atlantic 
where peace and rest were to be found in the unbroken forests of 
North Carolina. Hence, during the years 1746 and 1747, great 
numbers of Highlanders, with their families and the families of 
their friends, removed to North Carolina and settled along the 
Cape Fear river, covering a great space of country, of which Cross 
Creek, or Campbelton, now Fayetteville, was the common center. 
This region received shipload after shipload of the harrassed, 
down-trodden and maligned people. The emigration, forced by 
royal persecution and authority, was carried on by those who de- 
sired to improve their condition, by owning the land they tilled. 
In a few years large companies of Highlanders joined their coun- 
trymen in Bladen County, which has since been subdivided into 
the counties of Anson, Bladen, Cumberland, Moore, Richmond, 


Robeson and Sampson, but the greater portion established them- 
selves within the present limits of Cumberland, with Fayetteville 
the seat of justice. There was in fact a Carolina mania which was 
not broken until the beginning of the Revolution.* The flame of 
enthusiasm passed like wildfire through the Highland glens and 
Western Isles. It pervaded all classes, from the poorest crofter to 
the well-to-do farmer, and even men of easy competence, who 
were according to the appropriate song of the day, 

"Dol a dh'iarruidh an fhortain do North Carolina." 

Large ocean crafts, from several of the Western Lochs, laden 
with hundreds of passengers sailed direct for the far west. In 
that day this was a great undertaking, fraught with perils of the 
sea, and a long, comfortless voyage. Yet all this was preferable 
than the homes they loved so well; but no longer homes to 
them ! They carried with them their language, their religion, 
their manners, their customs and costumes. In short, it was a 
Highland community transplanted to more hospitable shores. 

The numbers of Highlanders at any given period can only 
relatively be known. In 1753 it was estimated that in Cumber- 
land County there were one thousand Highlanders capable of 
bearing arms, which would make the whole number between four 
and five thousand, — to say nothing of those in the adjoining dis- 
tricts, besides those scattered in the other counties of the pro- 

The people at once settled quietly and devoted their energies 
to improving their lands. The country rapidly developed and 
wealth began to drop into the lap of the industrious. The social 
claims were not forgotten, and the political demands were at- 
tended to. It is recorded that in 1758 Hector McNeil was sheriff 
of Cumberland County, and as his salary was but £10, it indicates 
his services were not in demand, and there was a healthy condi- 
tion of affairs. 

Hector McNeil and Alexander McCollister represented Cum- 
berland County in the legislature that assembled at Wilmington 
April 13, 1762. In 1764 the members were Farquhar Campbell 

*See Appendix, Note C. 


and Walter Gibson, — the former being also a member in 1769, 
1770, 1 77 1, and 1775, and during this period one of the leading 
men, not only of the county, but also of the legislature. Had he, 
during the Revolution, taken a consistent position in harmony 
with his former acts, he would have been one of the foremost pat- 
riots of his adopted state; but owing to his vacillating character, 
his course of conduct inured to his discomfiture and reputation. 

The legislative body was clothed with sufficient powers to 
ameliorate individual distress, and was frequently appealed to for 
relief. In quite a list of names, seeking relief from ''Public duties 
and Taxes," April 16, 1762, is that of Hugh McClean, of Cumber- 
land county. The relief was granted. This would indicate that 
there was more or less of a struggle in attaining an independent 
home, which the legislative body desired to assist in as much as 
possible, in justice to the commonwealth. 

The Peace of 1763 not only saw the American Colonies pros- 
perous, but they so continued, 'making great strides in develop- 
ment and growth. England began to look towards them as a 
source for additional revenue towards filling her depleted ex- 
chequer; and, in order to realize this, in March, 1765, her parlia- 
ment passed, by great majorities, the celebrated act for imposing 
stamp duties in America. All America was soon in a foment. 
The people of North Carolina had always asserted their liberties 
on the subject of taxation. As early as 1716, when the province, 
all told, contained only eight thousand inhabitants, they entered 
upon the journal of their assembly the formal declaration "that the 
impressing of the inhabitants or their property under pretence of 
its being for the public service without authority of the Assembly, 
was unwarrantable and a great infringement upon the liberty of 
the subject." In 1760 the Assembly declared its indubitable right 
to frame and model every bill whereby an aid was granted to the 
king. In 1764 it entered upon its journal a peremptory order 
that the treasurer should not pay out any money by order of the 
governor and council without the concurrence of the assembly. 

William Tryon assumed the duties of governor March 28, 
1765, and immediately after he took charge of affairs the assem- 
bly was called, but within two weeks he prorogued it ; said to have 


been done in consequence of an interview with the speaker of the 
assembly, Mr. Ashe, who, in answer to a question by the gover- 
nor on the Stamp Act, replied, "We will fight it to the death." 
The North Carolina records show it was fought even to "the 

The prevalent excitement seized the Highlanders along the 
Cape Fear. A letter appeared in "The North Carolina Gazette," 
dated at Cross Creek, January 30, 1766, in which the writer urges 
the people by every consideration, in the name of "dear Liberty" 
to rise in their might and put a stop to the seizures then in pro- 
gress. He asks the people if they have "lost their senses and their 
souls, and are they determined tamely to submit to slavery." Nor 
did the matter end here ; for, the people of Cross Creek gave vent 
to their resentment by burning lord Bute in effigy. 

Just how far statistics represent the wealth of a people may 
not be wholly determined. At this period of the history, referring 
to a return of the counties, in 1767, it is stated that Anson county, 
called also parish of St. George, had six hundred and ninety-six 
white taxables, that the people were in general poor and unable to 
support a minister. Bladen county, or St. Martin's parish, had 
seven hundred and ninety-one taxable whites, and the inhabitants 
in middling circumstances. Cumberland, or St. David's parish, 
had eight hundred and ninety-nine taxable whites, "mostly Scotch 
— Support a Presbyterian Minister." 

The Colonial Records of North Carolina do not exhibit a list 
of the emigrants, and seldom refer to the ship by name. Occa- 
sionally, however, a list has been preserved in the minutes of the 
official proceedings. Hence it may be read that on November 4, 
1767, there landed at Brunswick, from the Isle of Jura, Argyle- 
shire, Scotland, the following names of families and persons, to 
whom were allotted vacant lands, clear of all fees, to be taken up 
in Cumberland or Mecklenburgh counties, at their option : 



Names of Families 


Alexander McDougald and wife 

Malcolm McDougald 

Neill McLean 

Duncan McLean 

Duncan Buea 

Angus McDougald 

Dougald McDougald 

Dougald McDougald 

John Campbell 

Archibald Buea 

Neill Buea , 

Neill Clark 

John McLean 

Angus McDougald.. . . 

John McDougald 

Donald McDougald. . . , 
Donald McDougald. . . , 
Alexander McDougald. 

John McLean 

Peter McLean. ....... 

Malcolm Buea 

Duncan Buea 

Mary Buea 

Nancy McLean 

Peggy Sinclair 

Peggy McDougald 

Jenny Darach 

Donald McLean 


Male Female 

































Acres to 



These names show they were from Argyleshire, and probably 
from the Isle of Mull, and the immediate vicinity of the present 
city of Oban. 

The year 1771 witnessed civil strife in North Carolina. The 
War of the Regulators was caused by oppression in disproportion- 
ate taxation; no method for payment of taxes in produce, as in 
other counties ; unfairness in transactions of business by officials ; 
the privilege exercised by lawyers to commence suits in any court 
they pleased, and unlawful fees extorted. The assembly was peti- 


tioned in vain on these points, and on account of these wrongs the 
people of the western districts attempted to gain by force what 
was denied them by peaceable means. 

One of the most surprising things about this war is that it 
was ruthlessly stamped out by the very people of' the eastern part 
•of the province who themselves had been foremost in rebellion 
against the Stamp Act. And, furthermore, to be leaders against 
Great Britain in less than five years from the battle of the Ala- 
mance. Nor did they appear in the least to be willing to concede 
justice to their western brethren, until the formation of the state 
constitution, in 1776, when thirteen, out of the forty-seven sec- 
tions, of that instrument embodied the reforms sought for by the 

On March 10, 1771, Governor Tryon apportioned the num- 
ber of troops for each county which were to march against the in- 
surgents. In this allotment fifty each fell to Cumberland, Bladen, 
and Anson counties. Farquhar Campbell was given a captain's 
commission, and two commissions in blank for lieutenant and en- 
sign, besides a draft for £150, to be used as bounty money to the 
enlisted men, and other expenses. As soon as his company was 
raised, he was ordered to join, as he thought expedient, either the 
westward or eastward detachment. The date of his orders is 
April 18, 1 771. Captain Campbell had expressed himself as being 
able to raise the complement.* The records do not show whether 
or not Captain Campbell and his company took an active part. 

It cannot be affirmed that the expedition against the Regula- 
tors was a popular one. When the militia was called out, there 
arose trouble in Craven, Dobbs, Johnston, Pitt and Edgecombe 
counties, with no troops from the Albemarle section. In Bute 
county where there was a regiment eight hundred strong, when 
called upon for fifty volunteers, all broke rank, without orders, 
declaring that they were in sympathy with the Regulators. 

The freeholders living near Campbelton on March 13, I77 2 > 
petitioned Governor Martin for a change in the charter of their 
town, alleging that as Campbelton was a trading town persons 

■•Ibid, Vol. VIII. p. 708. 


temporarily residing there voted, and thus the power of election 
was thrown into their hands, because the property owners were 
fewer in numbers. They desired "a new Charter impowering all 
persons, being Freeholders within two miles of the Courthouse of 
Campbelton or seized of an Estate for their own, or the life of 
any other person in any dwelling-house (such house having a 
stone or brick Chimney thereunto belonging and appendent) to 
elect a Member to represent them in General Assembly. Whereby 
we humbly conceive that the right of election will be lodged with 
those who only have right to Claim it and the purposes for which 
the Charter was crranted to encourage Merchants of property to 
settle there fully answered."* 

Among the names signed to this petition are those of Neill 
MacArther, Alexr. MacArther, James McDonald, Benja. McNatt, 
Ferqd. Campbell, and A. Maclaine. The charter was granted. 

The people of Cumberland county had a care for their own 
interests, and fully appreciated the value of public buildings. 
Partly by their efforts, the upper legislative house, on February 
24, 1773, passed a bill for laying out a public road from the Dan 
through the counties of Guilford, Chatham and Cumberland to 
Campbelton. On the 26th same month, the same house passed a 
bill for regulating the borough of Campbelton, and erecting public 
buildings therein, consisting of court house, gaol, pillory and 
stocks, naming the following persons to be commissioners : Alex- 
ander McAlister, Farquhard Campbell, Richard Lyon, Robert 
Nelson, and Robert Cochran. \ The same year Cumberland 
county paid in quit-rents, fines and forfeitures the sum of i2o6. 

In September, 1773, a boy named Reynold McDugal was 
condemned for murder. His youthful appearance, looking to be 
but thirteen, though really eighteen years of age, enlisted the 
sympathy of a great many, who petitioned for clemency, which 
was granted. To this petition were attached such Highland names 
as, Angus Camel, Alexr. McKlarty, James McKlarty, Malcolm 
McBride, Neil McCoulskey, Donald McKeithen, Duncan Mc- 
Keithen, Gilbert McKeithen, Archibald McKeithen, Daniel Mc- 
Farther, John McFarther, Daniel Graham, Malcolm Graham, 
Malcolm McFarland, Murdock Graham, Michael Graham, John 

*Ibid, Vol. IX. p. 79. Ubid, p. 544. 


McKown, Robert McKown, William McKown, Daniel Campbell, 
John Campbell, Iver McKay, John McLeod, Alexr. Graham, Evin 
McMullan, John McDuffie, William McNeil, Andw. McCleland, 
John McCleland, Wm. McRei, Archd. McCoulsky, James Mc- 
Coulsky, Chas. McNaughton, Jno. McLason. 

The Highland clans were fairly represented, with a prepon- 
derance in favor of the McNeils. They still wore their distinc- 
tive costume, the plaid, the kilt, and the sporan, — and mingled to- 
gether, as though they constituted but one family. A change now 
began to take place and rapidly took on mammoth proportions. 
The MacDonalds of Raasay and Skye became impatient under 
coersion and set out in great numbers for North Carolina. Among 
them was Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough, and his famous 
wife, the heroine Flora, who arrived in 1774. Allan MacDonald 
succeeded to the estate of Kingsburgh in 1772, on the death of 
his father, but finding it incumbered with debt, and embarrassed 
in his affairs, he resolved in 1773 to go to North Carolina, and 
there hoped to mend his fortunes. He settled in Anson county. 
Although somewhat aged, he had the graceful mein and manly 
looks of a gallant Highlander. He had jet black hair tied behind, 
and was a large, stately man, with a steady, sensible countenance. 
He wore his tartan thrown about him, a large blue bonnet with a 
knot of black ribbon like a cockade, a brown short coat, a tartan 
waist-coat with gold buttons and gold button holes, a bluish phila- 
beg, and tartan hose. At once he took precedence among his 
countrymen, becoming their leader and adviser. The Macdon- 
alds, by 1775, were so numerous in Cumberland county as to be 
called the "Clan Donald," and the insurrection of February, 1776, 
is still known as the "Insurrection of the Clan MacDonald." 

Little did the late comers know or realize the gathering 
storm. The people of the West Highlands, so remote from the 
outside world, could not apprehend the spirit of liberty that was 
being awakened in the Thirteen Colonies. Or, if they heard of 
it, the report found no special lodgement. In short, there were 
but few capable of realizing what the outcome would be. Up to 
the very breaking out of hostilities the clans poured forth emi- 
grants into North Carolina. 


Matters long brewing now began to culminate and evil days 
grew apace. The ruling powers of England refused to under- 
stand the rights of America, and their king rushed headlong into 
war. The colonists had suffered long and patiently, but when 
the overt act came they appealed to arms. Long they bore mis- 
rule. An English king, of his own whim, or the favoritism of a 
minister, or the caprice of a woman good or bad, or for money in 
hand paid, selected the governor, chief justice, secretary, receiver- 
general, and attorney-general for the province. The governor 
selected the members of the council, the associate judges, the 
magistrates, and the sheriffs. The clerks of the county courts 
and the register of deeds were selected by the clerk of pleas, who 
having bought his office in England came to North Carolina and 
peddled out "county rights" at prices ranging from £4 to £40 an- 
nual rent per county. Scandalous abuses accumulated, especially 
under such governors as were usually chosen. The people were 
still loyal to England, even after the first clash of arms, but the 
open rupture rapidly prepared them for independence. The open 
revolt needed only the match. When that was applied, a continent 
was soon ablaze, controlled by a lofty patriotism. 

The steps taken by the leaders of public sentiment in Amer- 
ica were prudent and statesmanlike. Continental and Provincial 
Congresses were created. The first in North Carolina convened 
at Newbern, August 25, 1774. Cumberland county was repre- 
sented by Farquhard Campbell and Thomas Rutherford. The 
Second Congress convened at the same place April 30, 1775- 
Again the same parties represented Cumberland county, with an 
additional one for Campbelton in the person of Robert Rowan. 
At this time the Highlanders were in sympathy with the people of 
their adopted country. But not all, for on July 3rd, Allan Mac- 
Donald of Kingsborough went to Fort Johnson, and concerted 
with Governor Martin the raising of a battalion of "the good and 
faithful Highlanders." He fully calculated on the recently settled 
MacDonalds and MacLeods. All who took part in the Second 
Congress were not prepared to take or realize the logic of their 
position, and what would be the final result. 

The Highlanders soon became an object of consideration to 


the leaders on both sides of the controversy. They were numer- 
ically strong, increasing in numbers, and their military qualities 
beyond question. Active efforts were put forth in order to induce 
them to throw the weight of their decision both to the patriot 
cause and also to that of the king. Consequently emissaries 
were sent amongst them. The prevalent impression was that they 
had a strong inclination towards the royalist cause, and that party 
took every precaution to cement their loyalty. Even the religious 
side of their natures was wrought upon. 

The Americans early saw the advantage of decisive steps. In 
a letter from Joseph Hewes, John Penn, and William Hooper, the 
North Carolina delegates to the Continental Congress, to the 
members of the Provincial Congress, under date of December I, 
I 775> occurs the admission that "in our attention to military pre- 
parations we have not lost sight of a means of safety to be effected 
by the power of the pulpit, reasoning and persuasion. We know 
the respect which the Regulators and Highlanders entertain for 
the clergy ; they still feel the impressions of a religious education, 
and truths to them come with irresistible influence from the 
mouths of their spiritual pastors. * * * The Continental Con- 
gress have thought proper to direct us to employ two pious clergy- 
men to make a tour through North Carolina in order to remove 
the prejudices which the minds of the Regulators and Highland- 
ers may labor under with respect to the justice of the American 
controversy, and to obviate the religious scruples which Governor 
Tryon's heart-rending oath has implanted in their tender con- 
sciences. We are employed at present in quest of some persons 
who may be equal to this undertaking."* 

The Regulators were divided in their sympathies, and it was 
impossible to find a Gaelic-speaking minister, clothed with author- 
ity, to go among the Highlanders. Even if such a personage 
could have been found, the effort would have been counteracted 
by the influence of John McLeod, their own minister. His sympa- 
thies, though not boldly expressed, were against the interests of 
the Thirteen Colonies, and on account of his suspicious actions 
was placed under arrest, but discharged May II, 1776, by the Pro- 
vincial Congress, in the following order : 

*Ibid. Vol. VIII, p. XXIII. 


"That the Rev. John McLeod, who was brought to this Con- 
gress on suspicion of his having acted inimical to the rights of 
America, be discharged from his further attendance."* 

August 23, 1775, the Provincial Congress appointed, from 
among its members, Archibald Maclaine, Alexander McAlister, 
Farquhard Campbell, Robert Rowan, Thomas Wade, Alexander 
McKay, John Ashe, Samuel Spencer, Walter Gibson, William 
Kennon, and James Hepburn, "a committee to confer with the 
Gentlemen who have lately arrived from the Highlands in Scot- 
land to settle in this Province, and to explain to them the Nature 
of our Unhappy Controversy with Great Britain, and to advise 
and urge them to unite with the other Inhabitants of America in 
defence of those rights which they derive from God and the Con- 
stitution." f % 

No steps appear to have been taken by the Americans to or- 
ganize the Highlanders into military companies, but rather their 
efforts were to enlist their sympathies. On the other hand, the 
royal governor, Josiah Martin, took steps towards enrolling them 
into active British service. In a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, 

under date of June 30, 1775, Martin declares he "could collect 
immediately among the emigrants from the Highlands of Scot- 
land, who were settled here, and immoveably attached to His 
Majesty and His Government, that I am assured by the best 
authority I may compute at 3000 effective men," and begs per- 
mission "to raise a Battalion of a Thousand Highlanders here," 
and "I would most humbly beg leave to recommend Mr. Allen 
McDonald of Kingsborough to be Major, and Captain Alexd. Mc- 
Leod of the Marines now on half pay to be first Captain, who be- 
sides being men of great worth, and good character, have most 
extensive influence over the Highlanders here, great part of which 
are of their own names and familys, and I should flatter myself 
that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to permit me to 
nominate some of the Subalterns of such a Battalion, not for 
pecuniary consideration, but for encouragement to some active 
and deserving young Highland Gentlemen who might be usefully 
employed in the speedy raising the proposed Battalion. Indeed I 
cannot help observing My Lord, that there are three of four Gen- 
tlemen of consideration here, of the name of McDonald, and a 

*Ibid, Vol. X. p. 577. \Ibid, p. 173. *See Appendix, Note D. 


Lieutenant Alexd. McLean late of the Regiment now on half pay, 
whom I should be happy to see appointed Captains in such a Bat- 
talion, being persuaded they would heartily promote and do credit 
to His Majesty's Service."* 

November 12, 1775, the governor farther reports to the same 
that he can assure "your Lordship that the Scotch Highlanders 
here are generally and almost without exception staunch to Gov- 
ernment," and that "Captain Alexr. McLeod, a Gentleman from 
the Highlands of Scotland and late an Officer in the Marines who 
has been settled in this Province about a year and is one of the 
Gentlemen I had the honor to recommend to your Lordship to be 
appointed a Captain in the Battalion of Highlanders, I proposed 
with his Majesty's permission to raise here found his way down 
to me at this place about three weeks ago and I learn from him 
that he is as well as his father in law, Mr. Allan McDonald, pro- 
posed by me for Major of the intended Corps moved by my en- 
couragements have each raised a company of Highlanders since 
which a Major McDonald who came here some time ago from 
Boston under the orders from General Gage to raise Highlanders 
to form a Battalion to be commanded by Lieut. Coll. Allan Ale- 
Lean has made them proposals of being appointed Captains in that 
Corps, which they have accepted on the Condition that his 
Majesty does not approve my proposal of raising a Batallion of 
Highlanders and reserving to themselves the choice of appoint- 
ments therein in case it shall meet with his Majesty's approbation 
in support of that measure. I shall now only presume to add that 
the taking away those Gentlemen from this Province will in a 
great measure if not totally dissolve the union of the Highlanders 
in it now held together by their influence, that those people in their 
absence may fall" under the guidance of some person not attached 
like them to Government in this Colony at present but it will 
ever be maintained by such a regular military force as this estab- 
lished in it that will constantly reunite itself with the utmost facil- 
ity and consequently may be always maintained upon the most 
respectable footing."! 

The year 1775 witnessed the North Carolina patriots very 
alert. There were committees of safety in the various counties; 
and the Provincial Congress began its session at Hillsborough 
August 2 1 st. Cumberland County was represented by Farquhard 
Campbell, Thomas Rutherford, Alexander McKay, Alexander 

*Ibid, p. 45. Ubid, p. 325. 


McAHster and David Smith, Campbelton sent Joseph Hepburn. 
Among the members of this Congress having distinctly Highland 
names, the majority of whom doubtless were born in the High- 
lands, if not all, besides those already mentioned, were John 
Campbell and John Johnston from Bertie, Samuel Johnston of 
Chowan, Duncan Lamon of Edgecombe, John McNitt Alexander 
of Mecklenburg, Kenneth McKinzie of Martin, Jeremiah Frazier 
or Tyrell, William Graham of Tryon, and Archibald Maclaine of 
Wilmington. One of the acts of this Congress was to divide the 
state into military districts and the appointment of field officers of 
the Minute Men. For Cumberland county Thomas Rutherford 
was appointed colonel; Alexander McAHster, lieutenant colonel: 
Duncan McNeill, first major; Alexander McDonald, second 
major. One company of Minute Men was to be raised. This Act 
was passed on September 9th. 

As the name of Farquhard Campbell often occurs in connec- 
tion with the early stages of the Revolution, and quite frequently 
in the Colonial Records from 1771 to 1776, a brief notice of him 
may be of some interest. He was a gentleman of wealth, educa- 
tion and influence, and, at first, appeared to be warmly attached to 
the cause of liberty. As has been noticed he was a member of 
the Provincial Congress, and evinced much zeal in promoting the 
popular movement, and, as a visiting member from Cumberland 
county attended the meeting of the Safety Committee at Wilming- 
ton, on July 20, 1776. When Governor Martin abandoned his 
palace and retreated to Fort Johnston, and thence to an armed 
ship, it was ascertained that he visited Campbell at his residence. 
Not long afterwards the governor's secretary asked the Provincial 
Congress "to give Sanction and Safe Conduct to the removal of 
the most valuable Effects of Governor Martin on Board the Man 
of War and his Coach and Horses to Mr. Farquard Campbell's." 
When the request was submitted to that body, Mr. Campbell "ex- 
pressed a sincere desire that the Coach and Horses should not be 
sent to his House in Cumberland and is amazed that such a pro- 
posal should have been made without his approbation or privity.'' 
On account of his positive disclaimer the Congress, by resolution 
exonerated him from any improper conduct, and that he had 


"conducted himself as an honest member of Society and a friend 
to the American Cause."* 

He dealt treacherously with the governor as well as with 
Congress. The former, in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, 
October 16, 1775, says: 

"I have heard too My Lord with infinitely greater surprise 
and concern that the Scotch Highlanders on whom I had such 
firm reliance have declared themselves for neutrality, which I am 
informed is to be attributed to the influence of a certain Mr. Far- 
quhard Campbell an ignorant man who has been settled from 
childhood in this Country, is an old Member of the Assembly and 
has imbibed all the American popular principles and prejudices. 
By the advice of some of his Countrymen I was induced after the 
receipt of your Lordship's letter No. 16 to communicate with this 
man on the alarming state of the Country and to sound his dispo- 
sition in case of matters coming to extremity here, and he ex- 
pressed to me such abhorence of the violences that had been done 
at Fort Johnston and in other instances and discovered so much 
jealousy and apprehension of the ill designs of the Leaders in 
Sedition here, giving me at the same time so strong assurances of 
his own loyalty and the good dispositions of his Countrymen that 
I unsuspecting his dissimulation and treachery was led to impart 
to him the encouragements I was authorized to hold out to his 
Majesty's loyal Subjects in this Colony who should stand forth in 
support of Government which he received with much seeming ap- 
probation and repeatedly assured me he would consult with the 
principles among his Countrymen without whose concurrence he 
could promise nothing of himself, and would acquaint me with 
their determinations. From the time of this conversation between 
us in July I heard nothing of Mr. Campbell until since the late 
Convention at Hillsborough, where he appeared in the character 
of a delegate from the County of Cumberland and there, accord- 
ing to my information, unasked and unsolicited and without 
provocation of any sort was guilty of the base Treachery of pro- 
mulgating all I had said to him in confidential secrecy, which he 
had promised sacredly and inviolably to observe, and of the aggra- 
vating crime of falsehood in making additions of his own inven- 
tion and declaring that he had rejected all my propositions."! 

The governor again refers to him in his letter to the same, 
dated November 12, 1775: 

"From Capt. McLeod, who seems to be a man of observation 

*Ibid, p. 190. Mbid, p. 266. 


and intelligence, I gather that the inconsistency of Farquhard 
Campbell's conduct * * * has proceeded as much from jeal- 
ousy of the Superior consequence of this Gentleman and his 
father in law with the Highlanders here as from any other motive. 
This schism is to be lamented from whatsoever cause arising, but 
I have no doubt that I shall be able to reconcile the interests of the 
parties whenever I have power to act and can meet them to- 

Finally he threw off the mask, or else had changed his views, 
and openly espoused the cause of his country's enemies. He was 
seized at his own house, while entertaining a party of royalists, 
and thrown into Halifax gaol. A committee of the Provincial 
Congress, on April 20, 1776, reported "that Farquhard Campbell 
disregarding the sacred Obligations he had voluntarily entered 
into to support the Liberty of America against all usurpations has 
Traitorously and insiduously endeavored to excite the Inhabitants 
of this Colony to take arms and levy war in order to assist the 
avowed enemies thereof. That when a prisoner on his parole of 
honor he gave intelligence of the force and intention of the Amer- 
ican Army under Col. Caswell to the Enemy and advised them in 
what manner they might elude them."f 

He was sent, with other prisoners, to Baltimore, and thence, 
on parole, to Fredericktown, where he behaved "with much re- 
sentment and haughtiness." On March 3, 1777, he appealed to 
Governor Caswell to be permitted to return home, offering to 
mortgage his estate for his good behavior.} Several years after 
the Revolution he was a member of the Senate of North Carolina. 

The stormy days of discussion, excitement, and extensive 
preparations for war, in 1775, did not deter the Highlanders in 
Scotland from seeking a home in America. On October 21st, a 
body of one hundred and seventy-two Highlanders, including 
men, women and children arrived in the Cape Fear river, on board 
the George, and made application for lands near those already 
located by their relatives. The governor took his usual precau- 
tions with them, for in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, dated 
November 12th, he says: 

"On the most solemn assurances of their firm and unalterable 
loyalty and attachment to the King, and their readiness to lay 

*Ibid, p. 326. Mbid, p. 595. \Ibid, Vol. XI. p. 403. 


down their lives in the support and defence of his Majesty's Gov- 
ernment, I was induced to Grant their request on the Terms of 
their taking such lands in the proportions allowed by his Ma- 
jesty's Royal Instructions, and subject to all the conditions pre- 
scribed by them whenever grants may be passed in due form, 
thinking it were advisable to attach these people to Government by 
granting as matter of favor and courtesy to them what I had not 
power to prevent than to leave them to possess themselves by vio- 
lence of the King's lands, without owing or acknowledging any 
obligation for them, as it was only the means of securing these 
People against the seditions of the Rebels, but gaining so much 
strength to Government that is equally important at this time, 
without making any concessions injurious to the rights and inter- 
ests of the Crown, or that it has effectual power to withhold."* 

In the same letter is the further information that "a ship is 
this moment arrived from Scotland with upwards of one hundred 
and thirty Emigrants Men, Women and Children to whom I shall 
think it proper (after administering the Oath of Allegiance to the 
Men) to give permission to settle on the vacant lands of the 
Crown here on the same principles and conditions that I granted 
that indulgence to the Emigrants lately imported in the ship 

Many of the emigrants appear to have been seized with the 
idea that all that was necessary was to land in America, and the 
avenues of affluence would be opened to them. Hence there were 
those who landed in a distressed condition. Such was the state 
of the last party that arrived before the Peace of 1783. There 
was "a Petition from sundry distressed Highlanders, lately ar- 
rived from Scotland, praying that they might be permitted to go 
to Cape Fear, in North Carolina, the place where they intended to 
settle," laid before the Virginia convention then being held at Wil- 
liamsburgh, December 14, 1775. On the same day the convention 
gave orders to Colonel Woodford to "take the distressed High- 
landers, with their families, under his protection, permit them to 
pass by land unmolested to Carolina, and supply them with such 
provisions as they may be in immediate want of."f 

The early days of 1776 saw the culmination of the intrigues 
with the Scotch-Highlanders. The Americans realized that the 

*Ibid, p. 324. tAmerican Archives, 4th Series, Vol. IV, p. 84. 


war party was in the ascendant, and consequently every movement 
was carefully watched. That the Americans felt bitterly towards 
them came from the fact that they were not only precipitating 
themselves into a quarrel of which they were not interested par- 
ties, but also exhibited ingratitude to their benefactors. Many of 
them came to the country not only poor and needy, but in actual 
distress.* They were helped with an open hand, and cared for 
with kindness and brotherly aid. Then they had not been long in 
the land, and the trouble so far had been to seek redress. Hence 
the Americans felt keenly the position taken by the Highlanders. 
On the other hand the Highlanders had viewed the matter from 
a different standpoint. They did not realize the craftiness of 
Governor Martin in compelling them to take the oath of alleg- 
iance, and they felt bound by what they considered was a volun- 
tary act, and binding with all the sacredness of religion. They 
had ever been taught to keep their promises, and a liar was a 
greater criminal than a thief. Still they had every opportunity 
afforded them to learn the true status of affairs ; independence had 
not yet been proclaimed ; Washington was still beseiging Boston, 
and the Americans continued to petition the British throne for a 
redress of grievances. 

That the action of the Highlanders was ill-advised, at that 
time, admits of no discussion. They failed to realize the condi- 
tion of the country and the insuperable difficulties to overcome be- 
fore making a junction with Sir Henry Clinton. What they ex- 
pected to gain by their conduct is uncertain, and why they should 
march away a distance of one hundred miles, and then be trans- 
ported by ships to a place they knew not where, thus leaving their 
wives and children to the mercies of those whom they had of- 
fended and driven to arms, made bitter enemies of,, must ever re- 
main unfathomable. It shows they were blinded and exhibited the 
want of even ordinary foresight. It also exhibited the reckless in- 
difference of the responsible parties to the welfare of those they 
so successfully duped. It is no wonder that although nearly a 
century and a quarter have elapsed since the Highlanders un- 
sheathed the claymore in the pine forests of North Carolina, not 

*See Appendix, Note E. 


a single person has shown the hardihood to applaud their action. 
On the other hand, although treated with the utmost charity, their 
bravery applauded, they have been condemned for their rude pre- 
cipitancy, besides failing to see the changed condition of affairs, 
and resenting the injuries they had received from the House of 
Hanover that had harried their country and hanged their relatives 
on the murderous gallows-tree. Their course, however, in the 
end proved advantageous to them ; for, after their disastrous de- 
feat, they took an oath to remain peaceable, which the majority 
kept, and thus prevented them from being harrassed by the Amer- 
icans, and, as loyal subjects of king George, the English army 
must respect their rights. 

Agents were busily at work among the people preparing them 
for war. The most important of all was Allan MacDonald of 
Kingsborough. Early he came under the suspicion of the Com- 
mittee of Safety at Wilmington. On the very day, July 3, 1775, 
he was in consultation with Governor Martin, its chairman was 
directed to write to him "to know from himself respecting the re- 
ports that circulate of his having an intention to raise Troops to 
support the arbitrary measures of the ministry against the Amer- 
icans in this Colony, and whether he had not made an offer of his 
services to Governor Martin for that purpose."* 

The influence of Kingsborough was supplemented by that of 
Major Donald MacDonald, who was sent direct from the army in 
Boston. He was then in his sixty-fifth year, had an extended ex- 
perience in the army. He was in the Rising of 1745, and headed 
many of his own name. He now found many of these former 
companions who readily listened to his persuasions. All the emis- 
saries sent represented they were only visiting their friends and 
relatives. They were all British officers, in the active service. 

Partially in confirmation of the above may be cited a letter 
from Samuel Johnston of Edenton, dated July 21, 1775, written to 
the Committee at Wilmington : 

"A vessel from New York to this place brought over two of- 
ficers who left at the Bar to go to New Bern, they are both High- 
landers, one named McDonnel the other McCloud. They pretend 
they are on a visit to some of their countrymen on your river, but 

*North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. X, p. 65. 


I think there is reason to suspect their errand of a base nature. 
The Committee of this town have wrote to New Bern to have 
them secured. Should they escape there I hope you will keep a 
good lookout for them."* 

The vigorous campaign for 1776, in the Carolinas was de- 
termined upon in the fall of 1775, in deference to the oft repeated 
and urgent solicitations of the royal governors, and on account of 
the appeals made by Martin, the brunt of it fell upon North Car- 
olina. He assured the home government that large numbers of 
the Highlanders and Regulators were ready to take up arms for 
the king. 

The program, as arranged, was for Sir Henry Clinton, with 
a fleet of ships and seven corps of Irish Regulars, to be at the 
mouth of the Cape Fear early in the year 1776, and there form a 
junction with the Highlanders and other disaffected persons from 
the interior. Believing that Sir Henry Clinton's armament would 
arrive in January or early in February Martin made preparations 
for the revolt ; for his "unwearied, persevering agent," Alexander 
MacLean brought written assurances from the principal persons 
to whom he had been directed, that between two and three thous- 
and men would take the field at the governor's summons. Under 
this encouragement MacLean was sent again into the back coun- 
try, with a commission dated January 10, 1776, authorizing Allan 
McDonald, Donald McDonald, Alexander McLeod, Donald Mc- 
Leod, Alexander McLean, Allen Stewart, William Campbell, 
Alexander McDonald and Neal McArthur, of Cumberland and 
Anson counties, and seventeen other persons who resided in a belt 
of counties in middle Carolina, to raise and array all the king's 
loyal subjects, and to march them in a body to Brunswick by Feb- 
ruary I5th.f 

Donald MacDonald was placed in command of this array and 
of all other forces in North Carolina with the rank of brigadier 
general, with Donald MacLeod next in rank. Upon receiving his 
orders, General MacDonald issued the following: 

"By His Excellency Brigadier-General Donald McDonald, 
Commander of His Majesty's Forces for the time being, in North 

*Ibid, p, 117. tAmerican Archives, 4th Series, Vol. IV. p, 981. 



Whereas, I have received information that many of His Ma- 
jesty's faithful subjects have been so far overcome by apprehen- 
sion of danger, as to fly before His Majesty's Army as from the 
most inveterate enemy; to remove which, as far as lies in my 
power, I have thought it proper to publish this Manifesto, declar- 
ing that I shall take the proper steps to prevent any injury being 
done, either to the person or properties of His Majesty's subjects; 
and I do further declare it to be my determined resolution, that no 
violence shall be used to women and children, as viewing such 
outrages to be inconsistent with humanity, and as tending, in their 
consequences, to sully the arms of Britons and of Soldiers. 

I, therefore, in His Majesty's name, generally invite every 
well-wisher to that form of Government under which they have 
so happily lived, and which, if justly considered, ought to be 
esteemed the best birth-right of Britons and Americans, to 
repair to His Majesty's Royal Standard, erected at Cross Creek, 
where they will meet with every possible civilty, and be ranked in 
the list of friends and fellow-Soldiers, engaged in the best and 
most glorious of all causes, supporting the rights and Constitu- 
tion of their country. Those, therefore, who have been under the 
unhappy necessity of submitting to the mandates of Congress and 
Committees — those lawless, usurped, and arbitrary tribunals — will 
have an opportunity, (by joining the King's Army) to restore 
peace and tranquility to this distracted land — to open again the 
glorious streams of commerce — to partake of the blessings of in- 
separable from a regular administration of justice, and be again 
reinstated in the favorable opinion of their Sovereign. 

Donald McDonald. 

By His Excellency's command : 

Kenn. McDonald, P. S."* 

On February 5th General MacDonald issued another mani- 
festo in which he declares it to be his "intention that no violation 
whatever shall be offered to women, children, or private property, 
to sully the arms of Britons or freemen, employed in the glorious 
and righteous cause of rescuing and delivering this country from 
the usurpation of rebellion, and that no cruelty whatever be of- 
fered against the laws of humanity, but what resistance shall make 
necessary; and that whatever provisions and other necessaries be 
taken for the troops, shall be paid for immediately; and in case 
any person, or persons, shall offer the least violence to the fami- 

*Ibid, p, 982. 


lies of such as will join the Royal Standard, such persons or per- 
sons, may depend that retaliation will be made; the horrors of 
such proceedings, it is hoped, will be avoided by all true Chris- 

Manifestos being the order of the day, Thomas Rutherford, 
erstwhile patriot, deriving his commission from the Provincial 
Congress, though having alienated himself, but signing himself 
colonel, also issues one in which he declares that this is "to com- 
mand, enjoin, beseech, and require all His Majesty's faithful sub- 
jects within the County of Cumberland to repair to the King's 
Royal standard, at Cross Creek, on or before the 16th present, in 
order to join the King's army; otherwise, they must expect to fall 
under the melancholy consequences of a declared rebellion, and 
expose themselves to the just resentment of an injured, though 
gracious Sovereign."! 

On February ist General MacDonald set up the Royal Stan- 
dard at Cross Creek, in the Public Square, and in order to cause 
the Highlanders all to respond with alacrity manifestos were is- 
sued and other means resorted to in order that the "loyal subjects 
of His Majesty" might take up arms, among which nightly balls 
were given, and the military spirit freely inculcated. When the 
day came the Highlanders were seen coming from near and from 
far, from the wide plantations on the river bottoms, and from the 
rude cabins in the depths of the lonely pine forests, with broad- 
swords at their side, in tartan garments and feathered bonnet, and 
keeping step to the shrill music of the bag-pipe. There came, first 
of all, Clan MacDonald with Clan MacLeod near at hand, with 
lesser numbers of Clan MacKenzie, Clan MacRae, Clan MacLean, 
Clan MacKay, Clan MacLachlan, and still others, — variously esti- 
mated at from fifteen hundred to three thousand, including about 
two hundred others, principally Regulators. However, all who 
were capable of bearing arms did not respond to the summons, for 
some would not engage in a cause where their traditions and af- 
fections had no part. Many of them hid in the swamps and in the 
forests. On February 18th the Highland army took up its line of 
march for Wilmington and at evening encamped on the Cape 
Fear, four miles below Cross Creek. 

*Ibid, p. 983. f/bid, p. 1129. 


The assembling of the Highland army aroused the entire 
country. The patriots, fully cognizant of what was transpiring, 
flew to arms, determined to crush the insurrection, and in less 
than a fortnight nearly nine thousand men had risen against the 
enemy, and almost all the rest were ready to turn out at a mo- 
ment's notice. At the very first menace of danger, Brigadier 
General James Moore took the field at the head of his regiment, 
and on the 15th secured possession of Rockfish bridge, seven miles 
from Cross Creek, where he was joined by a recruit of sixty from 
the latter place. 

On the 19th the royalists were paraded with a view to assail 
Moore on the following night ; but he was thoroughly entrenched, 
and the bare suspicion of such a project was contemplated caused 
two companions of Cotton's corps to run off with their arms. On 
that day General MacDonald sent the following letter to General 

Moore : 

"Sir: I herewith send the bearer, Donald Morrison, by ad- 
vice of the Commissioners appointed by his Excellency Josiah 
Martin, and in behalf of the army now under my command, to 
propose terms to you as friends and countrymen. I must suppose 
you unacquainted with the Governor's proclamation, commanding 
all his Majesty's loyal subject to repair to the King's royal stand- 
ard, else I should have imagined you would ere this have joined the 
King's army now engaged in his Majesty's service. I have there- 
fore thought it proper to intimate to you, that in case you do not, 
by 12 o'clock to-morrow, join the royal standard, I must consider 
you as enemies, and take the necessary steps for the support of 
legal authority. 

I beg leave to remind you of his Majesty's speech to his Par- 
liament, wherein he offers to receive the misled with tenderness 
and mercy, from motives of humanity. I again beg of you to ac- 
cept the proffered clemency. I make no doubt, but you will show 
the gentleman sent on this message every possible civilty ; and you 
may depend in return, that all your officers and men, which may 
fall into our hands shall be treated with an equal degree of respect. 
I have the honor to be, in behalf of the army, Sir, Your most obed- 
ient humble servant, 

Don. McDonald. 

Head Quarters, Feb. 19, 1776. 

His Excellency's Proclamation is herewith enclosed." 


Brigadier General Moore's answer: 

"Sir: Yours of this day I have received, in answer to which, 
I must inform you that the terms which you are pleased to say, in 
behalf of the army under your command, are offered to us as 
friends and countrymen, are such as neither my duty or inclination 
will permit me to accept, and which I must presume you too much 
of an officer to accept of me. You were very right when you sup- 
posed me unacquainted with the Governor's proclamation, but as 
the terms therein proposed are such as I hold incompatible with 
the freedom of Americans, it can be no rule of conduct for me. 
However, should I not hear farther from you before twelve o'clock 
to-morrow by which time I shall have an opportunity of consulting, 
my officers here, and perhaps Col. Martin, who is in the neighbor- 
hood of Cross Creek, you may expect a more particular answer; 
meantime you may be assured that the feelings of humanity will 
induce me to shew that civility to such of your people as may fall 
into our hands, as I am desirous should be observed towards those 
of ours, who may be unfortunate enough to fall into yours. I 
am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, 

James Moore. 

Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 19, 1776." 

General Moore, on the succeeding day sent the following to 
General MacDonald: 

"Sir: Agreeable to my promise of yesterday, I have con- 
sulted the officers under my command respecting your letter, and 
am happy in finding them unanimous in opinion with me. We 
consider ourselves engaged in a cause the most glorious and hon- 
ourable in the world, the defense of the liberties of mankind, in 
support of which we are determined to hazard everything dear and 
valuable and in tenderness to the deluded people under your com- 
mand, permit me, Sir, through you to inform them, before it is 
too late, of the dangerous and destructive precipice on which they 
stand, and to remind them of the ungrateful return they are about 
to make for their favorable reception in this country. If this is not 
sufficient to recall them to the duty which they owe themselves and 
their posterity inform them that they are engaged in a cause in 
which they cannot succeed as not only the whole force of this 
country, but that of our neighboring provinces, is exerting and 
now actually in motion to suppress them, and which much end 
in their utter destruction. Desirous, however, of avoiding the ef- 
fusion of human blood, I have thought proper to send you a test 
recommended by the Continental Congress, which if they will yet 
subscribe we are willing to receive them as friends and country- 


men. Should this offer be rejected, I shall consider them as ene- 
mies to the constitutional liberties of America, and treat them ac- 

I cannot conclude without reminding you, Sir, of the oath 
which you and some of your officers took at Newbern on your ar- 
rival to this country, which I imagine you will find is difficult to 
reconcile to your present conduct. I have no doubt that the 
bearer, Capt. James Walker, will be treated with proper civilty and 
respect in your camp. 

I am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, 

James Moore. 

Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 20, 1776." 

General MacDonald returned the following reply : 

''Sir: I received your favor by Captain James Walker, and 
observed your declared sentiments of revolt, hostility and rebel- 
lion to the King, and to what I understand to be the constitution 
of the country. If I am mistaken future consequences must de- 
termine ; but while I continue in my present sentiment, I shall con- 
sider myself embarked in a cause which must, in its consequences, 
extricate this country from anarchy and licentiousness. I cannot 
conceive that the Scottish emigrants, to whom I imagine you al- 
lude, can be under greater obligations to this country than to the 
King, under whose gracious and merciful government they alone 
could have been enabled to visit this western region : And I trust, 
Sir, it is in the womb of time to say, that they are not that de- 
luded and ungrateful people which you would represent them to 
be. As a soldier in his Majesty's service, I must inform you, if 
you are to learn, that it is my duty to conquer, if I cannot reclaim, 
all those who may be hardy enough to take up arms against the 
best of masters, as of Kings. I have the honor to be, in behalf of 
the army under my command, 

Sir, your most obedient servant, 

Don. McDonald. 

To the Commanding Officer at Rockfish."* 

MacDonald realized that he was unable to put his threat into 
execution, for he was informed that the minute-men were gather- 
ing in swarms all around him ; that Colonel Caswell, at the head 
of the minute men of Newbern, nearly eight hundred strong, was 
marching through Duplin county, to effect a junction with Moore, 
and that his communication with the war ships had been cut off. 

*N. C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI, pp. 276-279. 


Realizing the extremity of his danger, he resolved to avoid an en- 
gagement, and leave the army at Rockfish in his rear, and by celer- 
ity of movement, and crossing rivers at unsuspected places, to dis- 
engage himself from the larger bodies and fall upon the com- 
mand of Caswell. Before marching he exhorted his men to fidel- 
ity, expressed bitter scorn for the "base cravens who had deserted 
the night before," and continued by saying: 

"If any amongst you is so faint-hearted as not to serve with 
the resolution of conquering or dying, this is the time for such to 
declare themselves." 

The speech was answered by a general huzza for the king; 
but from Cotton's corps about twenty laid down their arms. He 
decamped, with his army at midnight, crossed the Cape Fear, sunk 
his boats, and sent a party fifteen miles in advance to secure the 
bridge over South river, from Bladen into Hanover, pushing with 
rapid pace over swollen streams, rough hills, and deep morasses, 
hotly pursued by General Moore. Perceiving the purpose of the 
enemy General Moore detached Colonels Lillington and Ashe to 
reinforce Colonel Caswell, or if that could not be effected, then 
they were to occupy Widow Moore's Creek bridge. 

Colonel Caswell designing the purpose of MacDonald 
changed his own course in order to intercept his march. On the 
23rd the Highlanders thought to overtake him, and arrayed them- 
selves in the order of battle, with eighty able-bodied men, armed 
with broad-swords, forming the center of the army; but Colonel 
Caswell being posted at Corbett's Ferry could not be reached for 
want of boats. The royalists were again in extreme danger; but 
at a point six miles higher up the Black river they succeeded in 
crossing in a broad shallow boat while MacLean and Fraser, left 
with a few men and a drum and a pipe, amused the corps of Cas- 

Colonel Lillington, on the 25th took post on the east side of 
Moore's Creek bridge; and on the next day Colonel Caswell 
reached the west side, threw up a slight embankment, and de- 
stroyed a part of the bridge. A royalist, who had been sent into 
his camp under pretext of summoning him to return to his alle- 
giance, brought back the information that he had halted on the 


same side of the river as themselves, and could be assaulted with 
advantage. Colonel Caswell was not only a good woodman, but 
also a man of superior ability, and believing he had misled the 
enemy, marched his column to the east side of the stream, removed 
the planks from the bridge, and placed his men behind trees and 
such embankments as could be thrown up during the night. His 
force now amounted to a thousand men, consisting of the New- 
bern minute-men, the militia of Craven, Dobbs, Johnston, and 
Wake counties, and the detachment under Colonel Lillington. 
The men of the Neuse region, their officers wearing silver cres- 
cents upon their hats, inscribed with the words, "Liberty or 
Death," were in front. The situation of General MacDonald was 
again perilous, for while facing this army, General Moore, with 
his regulars was close upon his rear. 

The royalists, expecting an easy victory, decided upon an im- 
mediate attack. General MacDonald was confined to his tent by 
sickness, and the command devolved upon Major Donald Mac- 
Leod, who began the march at one o'clock on the morning of the 
27th ; but owing to the time lost in passing an intervening morass, 
it was within an hour of daylight when they reached the west bank 
of the creek. They entered the ground without resistance. See- 
ing Colonel Caswell was on the opposite side they reduced their 
columns and formed their line of battle in the woods. Their ral- 
lying cry was, "King George and broadswords," and the signal 
for attack was three cheers, the drum to beat and the pipes to play. 
While it was still dark Major MacLeod, with a party of about 
forty advanced, and at the bridge was challenged by the sentinel, 
asking, "Who goes there?" He answered, "A friend." "A friend 
to whom?" "To the king." Upon this the sentinels bent their 
faces down to the ground. Major MacLeod thinking they might 
be some of his own command who had crossed the bridge, chal- 
lenged them in Gaelic ; but receiving no reply, fired his own piece, 
and ordered his party to fire also. All that remained of the bridge 
were the two logs, which had served for sleepers, permitting only 
two persons to pass at a time. Donald MacLeod and Captain 
John Campbell rushed forward and succeeded in getting over. 
The Highlanders who followed were shot down on the logs and 


fell into the muddy stream below. Major MacLeod was mortally 
wounded, but was seen to rise repeatedly from the ground, wav- 
ing- his sword and encouraging his men to come on, till twenty- 
six balls penetrated his body. Captain Campbell also was shot 
dead, and at that moment a party of militia, under Lieutenant 
Slocum, who had forded the creek and penetrated a swamp on its 
western bank, fell suddenly upon the rear of the royalists. The 
loss of their leader and the unexpected attack upon their rear 
threw them into confusion, when they broke and fled. The battle 
lasted but ten minutes. The royalists lost seventy killed and 
wounded, while the patriots had but two wounded, one of whcm 
recovered. The victory was lasting and complete. The High- 
land power was thoroughly broken. There fell into the hands of 
the Americans besides eight hundred and fifty prisoners, fifteen 
hundred rifles, all of them excellent pieces, three hundred and fifty 
guns and short bags, one hundred and fifty swords and dirks, two 
medicine chests, immediately from England, one valued at £300 
sterling, thirteen wagons with horses, a box of Johannes and 
English guineas, amounting to about $75,000. 

Some of the Highlanders escaped from the battlefield by 
breaking down their wagons and riding away, three upon a horse. 
Many who were taken confessed that they were forced and per- 
suaded contrary to their inclinations into the service.* The sol- 
diers taken were disarmed, and dismissed to their homes. 

On the following day General MacDonald and nearly all the 
chief men were taken prisoners, amongst whom was MacDonald 
of Kingsborough and his son Alexander. A partial list of those 
apprehended is given in a report of the Committee of the Provin- 
cial Congress, reported April 20th and May 10th on the guilt of 
the Highland and Regulator officers then confined in Halifax gaol, 
finding the prisoners were of four different classes, viz. : 

First, Prisoners who had served in Congress. 

Second, Prisoners who had signed Tests or Associations. 

Third, Prisoners who had been in arms without such cir- 

*Ibid, Vol. X, p. 485. 


Fourth, Prisoners under suspicious circumstances. 
The Highlanders coming under the one or the other of these 
classes are given in the following order: 

Farquhard Campbell, Cumberland county. 

Alexander McKay, Capt. of 38 men, Cumberland county. 

Alexander McDonald (Condrach), Major of a regiment. 

Alexander Morrison, Captain of a company of 35 men. 

Alexander MacDonald, son of Kingsborough, a volunteer, 
Anson county. 

James MacDonald, Captain of a company of 25 men. 

Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 32 men. 

John MacDonald, Captain of a company of 40 men. 

Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men. 

Murdoch McAskell, Captain of a company of 34 men. 

Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men. 

Angus McDonald, Captain of a company of 30 men. 

Neill McArthur, Freeholder of Cross Creek, Captain of a 
company of 55 men. 

Francis Frazier, Adjutant to General MacDonald's Army. 

John McLeod, of Cumberland county, Captain of company of 
35 men. 

John McKinzie, of Cumberland county, Captain of company 
of 43 men. 

Kennith Macdonald, Aid-de-camp to General Macdonald. 

Murdoch McLeod, of Anson county, Surgeon to General 
Macdonald's Army. 

Donald McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in Captain 
Morrison's Company. 

Norman McLeod, of Anson county, Ensign in James Mc- 
Donald's company. 

John McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in James McDon- 
ald's company. 

Laughlin McKinnon, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieu- 
tenant in Col. Rutherford's corps. 

James Munroe, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieutenant 
in Capt. McRay's company. 

Donald Morrison, Ensign to Capt. Morrison's company. 

John McLeod, Ensign to Capt. Morrison's company. 

Archibald McEachern, Bladen county, Lieutenant to Capt. 
McArthur's company. 

Rory McKinnen, freeholder Anson county, volunteer. 

Donald McLeod, freeholder Cumberland county, Master to 
two Regiments, General McDonald's Army. 


Donald Stuart, Quarter Master to Col. Rutherford's Regi- 

Allen Macdonald of Kingsborough, freeholder of Anson 
county, Col. Regiment. 

Duncan St. Clair. 

Daniel McDaniel, Lieutenant in Seymore York's company. 

Alexander McRaw, freeholder Anson county, Capt. company 
47 men. 

Kenneth Stuart, Lieutenant Capt Stuart's company. 

Collin Mclver, Lieutenant Capt. Leggate's company. 

Alexander Maclaine, Commissary to General Macdonald's 

Angus Campbell, Captain company 30 men. 

Alexander Stuart, Captain company 30 men. 

Hugh McDonald, Anson county, volunteer. 

John McDonald, common soldier. 

Daniel Cameron, common soldier. 

Daniel McLean, freeholder, Cumberland county, Lieutenant 
to Angus Campbell's company. 

Malcolm McNeill, recruiting agent for General Macdonald's 
Army, accused of using compulsion.* 

The following is a list of the prisoners sent from North Car- 
olina to Philadelphia, enclosed in a letter of April 22, 1776: 

"1 His Excellency Donald McDonald Esqr Brigadier Gen- 
eral of the Tory Army and Commander in Chief in North Caro- 

2 Colonel Allen McDonald (of Kingsborough) first in 
Commission of Array and second in Command 

3 Alexander McDonald son of Kingsborough 

4 Major Alexander McDonald (Condrack) 

5 Capt Alexander McRay 

6 Capt John Leggate 

7 Capt James McDonald 

8 Capt Alexr. McLeod 

9 Capt Alexr. Morrison 

10 Capt John McDonald 

11 Capt Alexr. McLeod 

12 Capt Murdoch McAskell 

13 Capt Alexander McLeod 

14 Capt Angus McDonald 

15 Capt Neil McArthurf 

16 Capt James Mens of the light horse. 

17 Capt John McLeod 

*Ibid, pp. 594-603. tSee Appendix, Note H. 


1 8 Capt Thos. Wier 

19 Capt John McKehzie 

20 Lieut John Murchison 

21 Kennith McDonald, Aid de Camp to Genl McDonald 

22 Murdock McLeod, Surgeon 

23 Adjutant General John Smith 

24 Donald McLeod Quarter Master 

25 John Bethune Chaplain 

26 Farquhard Campbell late a delegate in the provincial 
Congress — Spy and Confidential Emissary of Governor Martin."* 

Some of the prisoners were discharged soon after their ar- 
rest, by making and signing the proper oath, of which the follow- 
ing is taken from the Records : 

"Oath of Malcolm McNeill and Joseph Smith. We Mal- 
colm McNeil and Joseph Smith do Solemly Swear on the Holy 
Evangelists of Almighty God that we will not on any pretence 
whatsoever take up or bear Arms against the Inhabitants of the 
United States of America and that we will not disclose or make 
known any matters within our knowledge now carrying on within 
the United States and that we will not carry out more than fifty 
pounds of Gold & Silver in value to fifty p'ounds Carolina Cur- 
rency. So help us God. 

Malcolm McNeill, 
Halifax, 13th Augt., 1776. Joseph Smith."t 

The North Carolina Provincial Congress on March 5, 1776, 
"Resolved, That Colonel Richard Caswell send, under a sufficient 
guard, Brigadier General Donald McDonald, taken at the battle 
of Moore's Creek Bridge, to the Town of Halifax, and there to 
have him committed a close prisoner in the jail of the said Town, 
until further orders."! 

The same Congress, held in Halifax April 5th, "Resolved, 
That General McDonald be admitted to his parole upon the fol- 
lowing conditions : That he does not go without the limits of the 
Town of Halifax; that he does not directly or indirectly, while a 
prisoner, correspond with any person or persons who are or may 
be in opposition to American measures, or by any manner or 
means convey to them intelligence of any sort; that he take no 
draft, nor procure them to be taken by any one else, of any place 
or places in which he may be, while upon his parole, that shall 

*Ibid, Vol. XI. p. 294. flbid, Vol. X. p. 743. ^American Archives, 
Fourth Series, Vol. V, p. 69. 


now, or may hereafter give information to our enemies which can 
be injurious to us, or the common cause of America; but that 
without equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation, he pay 
the most exact and faithful attention to the intent and meaning of 
these conditions, according to the rules and regulations of war; 
and that he every day appear between the hours of ten and twelve 
o'clock to the Officer of the Guard."* 

On April nth, the same parole was offered to Allan Mac- 
Donald of Kingsborough.f 

The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, at its session in Phil- 
adelphia, held May 25, 1776, ordered the Highland prisoners, 
mentioned on page 219, naming each one separately to be "safely 
kept in close confinement until discharged by the honorable Con- 
gress or this Committee." % Four days later, General MacDonald 
addressed a letter to the Continental Congress, in which he said, 
"That he was, by a party of horsemen, upon the 28th day of Feb- 
ruary last, taken prisoner from sick quarters, eight miles from 
Widow Moor's Creek, where he lay dangerously ill, and carried to 
Colonel Caswell's camp, where General Moore then commanded, 
to whom he delivered his sword as prisoner of war, which General 
Moore was pleased to deliver back in a genteel manner before all 
his officers then present, according to the rules and customs of war 
practised in all nations ; assuring him at the same time that he 
would be well treated, and his baggage and property delivered to 
him, &c. Having taken leave of General Moore and Colonel Cas- 
well, Lieutenant-Colonel Bryant took him under his care; and 
after rummaging his baggage for papers, &c, conducted him to 
Newbern, from thence with his baggage to Halifax, where the 
Committee of Safety there thought proper to commit him to the 
common jail; his horses, saddles, and pistols, &c, taken from him, 
and never having committed any act of violence against the person 
or property of any man; that he remained in this jail near a month, 
until General Howe arrived there, who did him the honour to call 
upon him in jail ; and he has reason to think that General Howe 
thought this treatment erroneous and without a precedent ; that 
upon this representation to the Convention, General McDonald 
was, by order of the Convention, permitted, upon parole, to the 
limits of the town of Halifax, until the 25th of April last, when 
he was appointed to march, with the other gentlemen prisoners, 
escorted from the jail there to this place. General McDonald 

*Ibid, Vol. V, p. 1317. ilbid, p. 1320. tlbid, Vol. VI, p. 663. 


would wish to know what crime he has since been guilty of, de- 
serving his being recommitted to the jail of Philadelphia, without 
his bedding or baggage, and his sword and his servant detained 
from him. The other gentlemen prisoners are in great want for 
their blankets and other necessaries. 

Donald McDonald."* 

The Continental Congress, on September 4th, "Resolved, 
That the proposal made by General Howe, as delivered by Gen- 
eral Sullivan, of exchanging General Sullivan for General Pres- 
cot, and Lord Stirling for Brigadier-General, be complied with."f 

This being communicated to General McDonald he addressed, 

to the Secretary of War the following : 

"Philadelphia Gaol, September 6, 1776. 
To the Secretary of War : 

General McDonald's compliments to the Secretary of War. 
He is obliged to him for his polite information, that the Congress 
have been pleased to agree that Generals Prescott and McDonald 
shall be exchanged for the Generals Sullivan and Stirling. Gen- 
eral McDonald is obliged to the Congress for the reference to the 
Board of War for his departure : The indulgence of eight or ten 
days will, he hopes, be sufficient to prepare him for his journey. 
His baggage will require a cart to carry it. He is not provided 
with horses — submits it to the Congress and Board how he may 
be conducted with safety to his place of destination, not doubting 
his servant will be permitted to go along with him, and that his 
sword may be returned to him, which he is informed the Commis- 
sary received from his servant on the 25th of May last. 

General McDonald begs leave to acquaint the Secretary and 
the Board of War, for the information of Congress, that when he 
was brought prisoner from sick quarters to General Moore's 
camp, at Moore's Creek, upon the 28th of February last, General 
Moore treated him with respect to his rank and commission in the 
King of Great Britain's service. He would have given him a 
parole to return to his sick quarters, as his low state of health re- 
quired it much at that time, but Colonel Caswell objected thereto, 
and had him conducted prisoner to Newbern, but gently treated 
all the way by Colonel Caswell and his officers. 

From Newbern he was conducted by a guard of Horse to 
Halifax, and committed on his arrival, after forty-five miles jour- 
ney the last day, in a sickly state of health, and immediately ush- 
ered into a common gaol, without bed or bedding, fire or candles, 

*Ibid, p. 613. Mbid, Fifth Series, Vol. II. p. 1330. 


in a cold, long night, by Colonel Long, who did not appear to me 
to behave like a gentleman. That notwithstanding the promised 
protection for person and property he had from General Moore, a 
man called Longfield Cox, a wagonmaster to Colonel Caswell's 
army, seized upon his horse, saddle, pistols, and other arms, and 
violently detained the same by refusing to deliver them up to 
Colonel Bryan, who conducted him to Newbern. Colonel Long 
was pleased to detain his mare at Halifax when sent prisoner from 
thence to here. Sorry to dwell so long upon so disagreeable a 

This letter was submitted to the Continental Congress on 
September 7th, when it "Resolved, That he be allowed four days 
to prepare for his journey; That a copy of that part of his Letter 
respecting his treatment in North Carolina, be sent to the Con- 
vention of that State. "f 

Notwithstanding General Sir William Howe had agreed to 
make the specified exchange of prisoners, yet in a letter addressed 
to Washington, September 21, 1776, he states: 

"The exchange you propose of Brigadier-General Alexander, 
commonly called Lord Stirling, for Mr. McDonald, cannot take 
place, as he has only the rank of Major by my commission; but I 
shall readily send any Major in the enclosed list of prisoners that 
you will be pleased to name in exchange for him. "J 

As Sir William Howe refused to recognize the rank conferred 
on General McDonald, bv the governor of North Carolina, Wash- 
ington was forced, September 23, to order his return, with the 
escort, to Philadelphia. || But on the same day addressed Sir 
William Howe, in which he said : 

"I had no doubt but Mr. McDonald's title would have been 
acknowledged, having understood that he received his commission 
from the hands of Governor Martin ; nor can I consent to rank him 
as a Major till I have proper authority from Congress, to whom I 
shall state the matter upon your representation."] That body, 
on September 30th, declared "That Mr. McDonald, having 
a commission of Brigadier-General from Governor Martin, be not 
exchanged for any officer under the rank of Brigadier-General in 
the service either of the United States or any of them."** 

On the way from North Carolina to Philadelphia, while rest- 
ing at Petersburg, May 2, 1776, Kingsborough indited the fol- 
lowing letter : 

*Ibid, p. 191. flbid, p. 1333. Xlbid, p. 437. \\Ibid, p. 464. **Ibtd, 
p. 1383. 



'Sir: Your kind favor I had by Mr. Ugin ( ?) with the Vir- 
ginia money enclosed, which shall be paid if ever I retourn with 
thanks, if not I shall take to order payment. Colonel Eliot who 
came here to receive the prisoners Confined the General and me 
under a guard and sentries to a Roome; this he imputes to the 
Congress of North Carolina not getting Brigadier Lewes (who 
commands at Williamsburg) know of our being on parole by your 
permission when at Halifax. If any opportunity afford, it would 
add to our happiness to write something to the above purpose to 
some of the Congress here with directions (if such can be done) 
to forward said orders after us. I have also been depressed of the 
horse I held, and hath little chance of getting another. To walk 
on foot is what I never can do the length of Philadelphia. What 
you can do in the above different affairs will be adding to your 
former favors. Hoping you will pardon freedom wrote in a 
hurry. I am with real Esteem and respect 

Honble Sir, 

Your very obedt. Servt. 

Allen MacDonald."* 

June 28, 1776, Allen MacDonald of Kingsborough, was per- 
mitted, after signing a parole and word of honor to go to Read- 
ing, in Berks county.f At the same time the Committee of Safety 

"Resolved, That such Prisoners from North Carolina as 
choose, may be permitted to write to their friends there; such let- 
ters to be inspected by this Committee; and the Jailer is to take 
care that all the paper delivered in to the Prisoners, be used in 
such Letters, or returned him."f 

The action of the Committee of Safety was approved by the 
Continental Congress on July 9th, by directing Kingsborough to 
be released on parole ;% and on the 15th, his son Alexander was 
released on parole and allowed to reside with him. 

Every attempt to exchange the prisoners was made on the 
part of the Americans, and as they appear to have been so unfor- 
tunate as to have no one to intercede for them among British offi- 
cers, Kingsborough was permitted to go to New York and effect 
his own exchange, which he succeeded in doing during the month 
of November, 1777, and then proceeded to Halifax, Nova Scotia. || 

*North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. XI. p. 295. +Am. Archives, 5th 
Series, Vol. I. p. 1291. \Ibid, p. 1570. ||"Letter Book of Captain A. 
MacDonald," p. 387. 


The Highland officers confined in prison became restive, and 
on October 31, 1776, presented a memorial, addressed to the 
North Carolina members of the Continental Congress, which at 
once met with the approval of William Hooper : 

"Gentlemen: After a long separation of eight months from 
our Families & Friends, We the undersubscribers, Prisoners of 
war from North Carolina now in Philadelphia Prison, think our- 
selves justifiable at this period in applying to your Honours for 
permission to return to our Families; which indulgence we will 
promise on the Faith & honour of gentlemen not to abuse, by in- 
terfering in the present disputes, or aiding or assisting your ene- 
mies by word, writing, or action. 

This request we have already laid before Congress who are 
willing to grant it, provided they shall have your approbation. 

Hoping therefore, that you have no particular intention to 
distress us more than others whom you have treated with Indul- 
gence, we flatter ourselves that your determinations will prove no 
obstruction to our Enlargement on the above terms; and have 
transmitted to you the enclosed Copy of the Resolve of Congress 
in our favor, which if you countenance; it will meet with the 
warmest acknowledgement of Gentn. 

Your most obedt. humble Servts., 

Alexander Morison, Ferqd. Campbell, Alexr. Macleod, 
Alexr. McKay, James Macdonald, John McDonald, Murdoch 
Macleod, John Murchison, John Bethune, Neill McArthur, John 
Smith, Murdo MacCaskill, John McLeod, Alexr. McDonald, An- 
gus McDonald, John Ligett."* 

It was fully apparent to the Americans that so long as the 
leaders were prisoners there was no danger of another uprising 
among the Highlanders. This was fully tested by earl Cornwallis, 
who, after the battle of Guilford Courthouse, retreated towards 
the seaboard, stopping on the way at Cross Creek f hoping then to 
gain recruits from the Highlanders, but very few of whom re- 
sponded to his call. In a letter addressed to Sir Henry Clinton, 
dated from his camp near Wilmington, April 10, 1781, he says: 

"On my arrival there (Cross Creek), I found, to my great 
mortification, and contrary to all former accounts, that it was im- 
possible to procure any considerable quantity of provisions, and 

*N. C. Colonial Records, Vol. X. p. 888. tSee Appendix Note F. 


that there was not four days' forage within twenty miles. The 
navigation of Cape Fear, with the hopes of which I had been flat- 
tered was totally impracticable, the distance from Wilmington by 
water being one hundred and fifty miles, the breadth of the river 
seldom exceeding one hundred yards, the banks generally high, 
and the inhabitants on each side almost universally hostile. Un- 
der these circumstances I determined to move immediately to Wil- 
mington. By this measure the Highlanders have not had so much 
time as the people of the upper country, to prove the sincerity of 
their former professions of friendship. But, though appearances 
are rather more favorable among them, I confess they are not 
equal to my expectations."* 

The Americans did not rest matters simply by confining the 
officers, but every precaution was taken to overawe them, not only 
by their parole, which nearly all implicitly obeyed, but also by 
armed force, for some militia was at once stationed at Cross Creek, 
which remained there until the Provincial Congress, on November 
2 it, 1776, ordered it discharged.! General Charles Lee, who had 
taken charge of the Southern Department, on June 6, 1776, or- 
dered Brigadier-General Lewis to take "as large a body of the 
regulars as can possibly be spared to march to Cross Creek, in 
North Carolina."! 

Notwithstanding the fact that many of the Highlanders who 
had been in the battle of Moore's Creek Bridge afterwards en- 
gaged in the service with the Americans, the community was re- 
garded with suspicion, and that not without some cause. On 
July 28, 1777, it was reported that there were movements among 
the royalists that caused the patriots to be in arms and watch the 
Highlanders at Cross Creek. On August 3rd it was again re- 
ported that there were a hundred in arms with others coming. || 

As might be anticipated the poor Highlanders also were sub- 
jected to fear and oppression. They remained at heart, true to 
their first love. In June, 1776, a report was circulated among 
them that a company of light horse was coming into the settle- 

*"Earl Cornwallis' Answer to Sir Henry Clinton," p. 10. tN. C. Colonial 
Records, Vol. XI. p. 927. {Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, 
p. 721. ||N. C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI. pp. 546, 555. 


ment, and every one thought he was the man wanted, and hence 
all hurried to the swamps and other fastnesses in the forest.* 

From the poor Highland women, who had lost father, hus- 
band, brother in battle, or whose menfolk were imprisoned in the 
gaol at Halifax, there arose such a wail of distress as to call forth 
the attention of the Provincial Congress, which at once put forth 
a proclamation, and ordered it translated into the "Erse tongue," 
in which it was declared that they "warred not with those help- 
less females, but sympathized with them in their sorrow," and 
recommended them to the compassion of all, and to the "bounty 
of those who had aught to spare from their necessities." 

One of the remarkable things, and one which cannot be ac- 
counted for, is, that although the North Carolina Highland emi- 
grants were deeply religious, yet no clergyman accompanied them 
to the shores of America, until 1770, when Reverend John Mc- 
Leod came direct from Scotland and ministered to them for some 
time; and they were entirely without a minister prior to 1757, 
when Reverend James Campbell commenced to preach for them, 
and continued in active work until 1770. He was the first or- 
dained minister who took up his abode among the Presbyterian 
settlements in North Carolina. He pursued his labors among the 
outspreading neighborhoods in what are now Cumberland and 
Robeson counties. This worthy man was born in Campbelton, on 
the peninsula of Kintyre, in Argyleshire, Scotland. Of his early 
history but little is known, and by far too little of his pioneer labors 
has been preserved. About the year 1730 he emigrated to Amer- 
ica, landing at Philadelphia. His attention having been turned to 
his countrymen on the Cape Fear, he removed to North Carolina, 
and took up his residence on the left bank of the above river, a few 
miles north of Cross Creek. He died in 1781. His preaching was 
in harmony with the tenets of his people, being presbyterian. He 
had three regular congregations on the Sabbath, besides irregular 
preaching, as occasion demanded. For some ten years he 
preached on the southwest side of the river at a place called "Rog- 
er's meeting-house." Here Hector McNeill ("Bluff Hector") and 

*Ibid, p. 829. 



Alexander McAlister acted as elders. About 1758 he began to 
preach at the "Barbacue Church," — the building not erected until 
about the year 1765. It was at this church where Flora MacDon- 
ald worshipped. The first elders of this church were Gilbert 
Clark, Duncan Buie, Archibald Buie, and Donald Cameron. 

Another of the preaching stations was at a place now known 

Barbacue Church, where Flora Macdonald Worshipped. 

as "Long Street." The building was erected about 1766. The 
first elders were Malcolm Smith, Archibald McKay and Archibald 

There came, in the same ship, from Scotland, with Reverend 
John McLeod, a large number of Highland families, all of whom 
settled upon the upper and lower Little Rivers, in Cumberland 
county. After several years' labor, proving himself a man of 
genuine piety, great worth, and popular eloquence, he left Amer- 
ica, with a view of returning to his native land ; having never been 
heard of afterwards, it was thought that he found a watery grave. 


With the exception of the Reverend John McLeod, it is not 
known that Reverend James Campbell had any ministerial brother 
residing in Cumberland or the adjoining counties, who could as- 
sist him in preaching to the Gaels. Although McAden preached 
in Duplin county, he was unable to render assistance because he 
was unfamiliar with the language of the Highlanders. 

Highlanders in Georgia. 

The second distinctive and permanent settlement of High- 
land Scotch in the territory now constituting the United States 
of America was that in what was first called New Inverness on 
the Alatamaha river in Georgia, but now known as Darien, in 
Mcintosh County. It was established under the genius of James 
Oglethorpe, an English general and philanthropist, who, in the 
year 1728, began to take active legislative support in behalf of 
the debtor classes, which culminated in the erection of the colony 
of Georgia, and incidentally to the formation of a settlement of 

There was a yearly average in Great Britain of four thousand 
unhappy men immured in prison for the misfortune of being 
poor. A small debt exposed a person to a perpetuity of imprison- 
ment; and one indiscreet contract often resulted in imprisonment 
for life. The sorrows hidden within the prison walls of Fleet and 
Marshalsea touched the heart of Oglethorpe — a man of merciful 
disposition and heroic mind — who was then in the full activity of 
middle life. His benevolent zeal persevered until he restored 
multitudes, who had long been in confinement for debt, and were 
now helpless and strangers in the land of their birth. Nor was 
this all : for them and the persecuted Protestants he planned an 
asylum in America, where former poverty would be no reproach, 
and where the simplicity of piety could indulge in the spirit of 
devotion without fear of persecution or rebuke. 

The first active step taken by Oglethorpe, in his benevolent 
designs was to move, in the British House of Commons, that a 
committee be appointed "to inquire into the state of the gaols of 
the kingdom, and to report the same and their opinion thereupon 
to the House." Of this committee consisting of ninety-six per- 



sons, embracing some of the first men in England, Oglethorpe was 
made chairman. They were eulogized by Thompson, in his poem 
on Winter, as 

"The generous band, 

Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched 

Into the horrors of the gloomy gaol." 

In the abodes of crime, and of misfortune, the committee be- 
held all that the poet depicted : "The freeborn Briton to the dun- 
geon chained," and "Lives crushed out by secret, barbarous ways, 
that for their country would have toiled and bled." One of Brit- 
ain's authors was moved to indite: '"No modern nation has ever 
enacted or inflicted greater legal severities upon insolvent debtors 
than England."* , 

While the report of the committee did honor to their human- 
ity, yet it was the moving spirit of Oglethorpe that prompted ef- 
forts to combine present relief with permanent benefits, by which 
honest but unfortunate industry could be protected, and the poor 
enabled to reap the fruit of their toils, which now wrung out their 
lives with bitter and unrequited labor. On June 9, 1732, a char- 
ter was procured from the king, incorporating a body by name 
and style of the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia 
in America. Among its many provisions was the declaration that 
"all and every person born within the said province shall have 
and enjoy all liberties, franchises and immunities of free deni- 
zens, as if abiding and born within Great Britain." It further 
ordained that there should be liberty of conscience, and free ex- 
ercise of religion to all, except Papists. The patrons, by their 
own request, were restrained from receiving any grant of lands, 
or any emoluments whatever. 

The charter had in view the settling of poor but unfortunate 
people on lands now waste and desolate, and also the interposing 
of the colony as a barrier between the French, Spanish and In- 
dians on the south and west and the other English colonies on the 
north. Oglethorpe expressed the purpose of the colonizing 
scheme, in the following language : 

"These trustees not only give land to the unhappy who go 

*Graham's " History of United States," Vol. II, p. 179. 



thither; but are also empowered to receive the voluntary contri- 
butions of charitable persons to enable them to furnish the poor 
adventurers with all necessaries for the expense of the voyage, 
occupying the land, and supporting them till they find themselves 
comfortably settled. So that now the unfortunate will not be 
obliged to bind themselves to a long servitude to pay for their 
passage ; for they may be carried gratis into a land of liberty and 
plenty, where they immediately find themselves in possession of a 
competent estate, in a happier climate than they knew before; 
and they are unfortunate, indeed, if here they cannot forget their 

Subsidiary to this it was designed to make Georgia a silk, 
wine, oil and drug-growing colony. It was calculated that the 
mother country would be relieved of a large body of indigent peo- 
ple and unfortunate debtors, and, at the same time, assist the 
commerce of Great Britain, increase home industries, and relieve, 
to an appreciative extent, the impost on foreign productions. 
Extravagant expectations were formed of the capabilities of 
Georgia by the enthusiastic friends of the movement. It was to 
rival Virginia and South Carolina, and at once to take the first 
rank in the list of provinces depending on the British crown. Its 
beauties and greatness were lauded by poets, statesmen and di- 
vines. It attracted attention throughout Europe, and to that 
promised land there pressed forward Swiss, German, Scotch and 
English alike. The benevolence of England was aroused, and the 
charities of an opulent nation began to flow towards the new 
plantation. The House of Parliament granted £10,000, which 
was augmented, by private subscription, to £36,000. 

Oglethorpe had implicit faith in the enterprise, and with the 
first shipload, on board the Ann, he sailed from Gravesend No- 
vember 17, 1732, and arrived at the bar, outside of the port of 
Charleston, South Carolina, January 13, 1733. Having accepted 
of a hearty welcome, he weighed anchor, and sailed directly for 
Port Royal; and while his colony was landing at Beaufort, he 
ascended the boundary river of Georgia, and selected the site for 
his chief town on the high bluff, where now is the city of Savan- 
nah. Having established his town, he then selected a command- 

*" Georgia Historical Collection?," Vol. I, p. 58. 


ing height on the Ogeechee river, where he built a fortification 
and named it Fort Argyle, in honor of the friend and patron of 
his early years. 

Within a period of five years over a thousand persons had 
been sent over on the Trustee's account ; several freeholders, with 
their servants, had also taken up lands; and to them and to others 
also, settling in the province, over fifty-seven thousand acres had 
been granted. Besides forts and minor villages there had been 
laid out and settled the principal towns of Augusta, Ebenezer, 
Savannah, New Inverness, and Frederica. The colonists were of 
different nationalities, widely variant in character, religion and 
government. There were to be seen the depressed Briton from 
London; the hardy Gael from the Highlands of Scotland; the 
solemn Moravian from Herrnhut; the phlegmatic German from 
Salzburg in Bavaria; the reflecting Swiss from the mountainous 
and pastoral Grisons; the mercurial peasant from sunny Italy, 
and the Jew from Portugal. 

The settlements were made deliberately and with a view of 
resisting any possible encroachments of Spain. It was a matter 
of protection that the Highlanders were induced to emigrate, and 
their assignment to the dangerous and outlying district, exposed 
to Spanish forays or invasions, is sufficient proof that their war- 
like qualities were greatly desired. Experience also taught Ogle- 
thorpe that the useless poor in England did not change their char- 
acters by emigration. 

In company with a retinue of Indian chiefs, Oglethorpe re- 
turned to England on board the Aldborough man-of-war, where 
he arrived on June 16, 1734, after a passage of a little more than 
a month. His return created quite a sensation; complimentary 
verses were bestowed upon him, and his name was established 
among men of large views and energetic action as a distinguished 
benefactor of mankind. Among many things that engrossed his 
attention was to provide a bulwark against inroads that might be 
made by savages and dangers from the Spanish settlements ; so he 
turned Jiis eyes, as already noted, to the Highlands of Scotland. 
In order to secure a sufficient number of Highlanders a commis- 
sion was granted to Lieutenant Hugh Mackay and George Dun- 


bar to proceed to the Highlands and "raise ioo Men free or serv- 
ants and for that purpose allowed to them the free passage of ten 
servants over and above the ioo. They farther allowed them to 
take 50 Head of Women and Children and agreed with Mr. Sim- 
monds to send a ship about, which he w'd not do unless they 
agreed for 130 Men Heads certain. This may have led the trust 
into the mistake That they were to raise only 130."* 

The enterprising commissioners, using such methods as were 
customary to the country, soon collected the required number 
within the immediate vicinity of Inverness. They first enlisted 
the interest and consent of some of the chief gentlemen, and as 
they were unused to labor, they were not only permitted but re- 
quired also to bring each a servant capable of supporting him. 
These gentlemen were not reckless adventurers, or reduced emi- 
grants forced by necessity, or exiled by insolvency and want ; but 
men of pronounced character, and especially selected for their ap- 
proved military qualities, many of whom came from the glen of 
Stralbdean, about nine miles distant from Inverness. They were 
commanded by officers most highly connected in the Highlands. 
Their political sympathies were with the exiled house of Stuart, 
and having been more or less implicated in the rising of 171 5, 
they found themselves objects of jealousy and suspicion, and thus; 
circumstanced seized the opportunity to seek an asylum in Amer- 
ica and obtain that unmolested quietude which was denied them 
in their native glens. 

These people being deeply religious selected for their pastor, 
Reverend John MacLeod, a native of Skye, who belonged to the 
Dunvegan family of MacLeods. He was well recommended by 
his clerical brethren, and sustained a good examination before the 
presbytery of Edinburgh, previous to his ordination and commis- 
sion, October 13, 1735. He was appointed by the directors of the 
Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge (from 
whom he was to receive his annual stipend of £50) "not only to 
officiate as minister of the Gospel to the Highland families going 

*Oglethorpe's letter to the Trustees, Feb. 13, 1736, in " Georgia Hist. 
Coll.," Vol. Ill, p. 10. 


hither," and others who might be inclined to the Presbyterian 
form of worship, but "also to use his utmost endeavors for prop- 
agating Christian knowledge among natives in the colony." 

The Trustees were greatly rejoiced to find that they had se- 
cured so valuable an acquisition to their colony, and that they 
could settle such a bold and hardy race on the banks of their 
southern boundary, and thus establish a new town on the Florida 
frontier. The town council of Inverness, in order to express their 
regard for Oglethorpe, on account of his kind offers to the High- 
landers, conferred on him the honor of a burgess of the town, 
through his proxy, Captain George Dunbar. 

Besides the military band, others, among whom were Mac- 
Kays, Bailies, Dunbars, and Cuthberts, applied for large tracts 
of land to people with their own servants; most of them going 
over themselves to Georgia, and finally settling there for life. 

Of the Highlanders, some of them paid their passage and 
that of one out of two servants, while others paid passage for their 
servants and took the benefit of the trust passage for themselves. 
Some, having large families, wanted farther assistance for serv- 
ants, which was acceded to by Captain Dunbar, who gave them 
the passage of four servants, which was his right, for having 
raised forty of the one hundred men. Of the whole number the 
Trustees paid for one hundred and forty-six, some of whom be- 
came indentured servants to the Trust. On October 20, 1735, 
one hundred and sixty-three were mustered before Provost Has- 
sock at Inverness. One of the number ran away before the ship 
sailed, and two others were set on shore because they would 
neither pay their passage nor indent as servants to the Trust. 

These pioneers, who were to carve their own fortunes and be- 
come a defense for the colony of Georgia, sailed from Inverness, 
October 18, 1735, on board the Prince of Wales, commanded by 
Captain George Dunbar, one of their own countrymen. They 
made a remarkably quick trip, attended by no accidents, and in 
January, 1736, sailed into Tybee Road, and at once the officer in 
charge set about sending the emigrants to tneir destination. All 
who so desired, at their own expense, were permitted to go up to 
Savannah and Joseph's Town. On account of a deficiency in 


boats, all could not be removed at once. Seven days after their 
arrival sixty-one were sent away, and on February 4th forty-six 
more proceeded to their settlement on the Alatamaha, — all of 
whom being under the charge of Hugh MacKay. Thus the ad- 
vanced station, the post of danger, was guarded by a bold and 
hardy race; brave and robust by nature, virtuous by inclination, 
inured to fatigue and willing to labor: 

"To distant climes, a dreary scene, they go, 

Where wild Altama murmurs to their woe, 

Far different these from all that charmed before, 

The various terrors of that distant shore ; 

Those matted woods where birds forget to sing, 

But silent bats in drowsy clusters cling; 

Those poisonous fields with rank luxuriance crown'd, 

Where the dark scorpion gathers death around, 

Where at each step the stranger fears to wake 

The rattling terrors of the vengeful snake, 

Where crouching tigers wait their hapless prey, 

And savage men, more murderous still than they. 

Far different these from every former scene." 

— Goldsmith. 

On their first landing at Savannah, some of the people from 
South Carolina endeavored to discourage them by saying that the 
Spaniards would shoot them as they stood upon the ground where 
they contemplated erecting their homes. "Why then," said the 
Highlanders in reply, "we will beat them out of their fort and 
shall have houses ready built to live in." The spot designated 
for their town is located twenty miles northwest from St. Simons 
and ten above Frederica, and situated on the mainland, close to 
a branch of the Alatamaha river, on a bluff twenty feet high, 
then surrounded on all sides with woods. The soil is a brackish 
sand. Formerly Fort King George, garrisoned by an indepen- 
dent company, stood within a mile and a half of the new town, 
but had been abandoned and destroyed on account of a want of 
supplies and communication with Carolina. The village was 
called New Inverness, in honor of the city they had left in Scot- 
land; while the surrounding district was named Darien, on ac- 
count of the settlement attempted on the Isthmus of Darien, in 
1698- 1701. Under the direction of Hugh MacKay, who proved 


himself to be an excellent officer and a man of executive ability, 
by the middle of February they had constructed a fort consisting 
of two bastions and two half bastions, which was so strong that 
forty men could maintain it against three hundred, and on it 
placed four pieces, which, afterwards was so enlarged as to de- 
mand twelve cannon; built a guardhouse, storehouse, a chapel, 
and huts for the people. One of the men dying, the rest joined 
and built a house for the widow. 

In the meantime Oglethorpe had sailed from London on 
board the Symonds, accompanied by the London Merchant, with 
additional emigrants, and arrived in the Tybee Road a short time 
after the Highlanders had left. He had never met them, and 
desiring to understand their ways and to make as favorable an 
impression on them as possible, he retained Captain Dunbar to 
go with him to the Highlanders and to instruct him fully in their 
customs. On February 226. he left St. Simons and rowing up the 
Alatamaha after three hours, reached the Highland settlement. 
Upon seeing the boat approaching, the Highlanders marched out 
to meet him, and made a most manly appearance in their plaids, 
with claymores, targets and fire-arms. Captain MacKay invited 
Oglethorpe to lie in his tent, where there was a bed with sheets 
— a rarity as yet in that part of the world. He excused himself, 
choosing to lie at the guard-fire, wrapped in his plaid, for he had 
on the Highland garb. Captain MacKay and the other gentlemen 
did the same, though the night was cold. 

Oglethorpe had previously taken the precaution, lest the 
Highlanders might be apprehensive of an attack by the Spaniards, 
Indians, or other enemies, while their houses were in process of 
construction, to send Captain James McPherson, who com- 
manded the rangers upon the Savannah, overland to support 
them. This troop arrived while Oglethorpe was yet present. 
Soon after they were visited by the Indians, who were attracted 
by their costume, and ever after retained an admiration for them, 
which was enhanced by the Highlanders entering into their wild 
sports, and joining them in the chase. In order to connect the 
new settlement with direct land communication with the other 
colonists, Oglethorpe, in March, directed Hugh MacKay, with a 


detachment of twelve rangers, to conduct Walter Augustin, who 
ran a traverse line from Savannah by Fort Argyle to Darien, in 
order to locate a roadway. 

It was during Oglethorpe's first trip to the Highland settle- 
ment that he encamped on Cumberland island, and on the ex- 
treme western point, which commands the passage of boats from 
the southward, marked out a fort to be called St. Andrews, and 
gave Captain Hugh MacKay orders to build it. The work com- 
menced immediately, thirty Highlanders being employed in the 
labor. On March 26th Oglethorpe, visiting the place, was aston- 
ished to find the fort in such an advanced stage of completion; 
the ditch was dug, the parapet was raised with wood and earth 
on the land side, and the small wood was cleared fifty yards round 
the fort. This seemed to be the more extraordinary because Mac- 
Kay had no engineer, nor any other assistance in that way, except 
the directions originally given. Besides it was very difficult to 
raise the works, the ground being a loose sand. They were forced 
to lay the trees and sand alternately, — the trees preventing the 
sand from falling, and the sand the wood from fire. He returned 
thanks to the Highlanders and offered to take any of them back 
to their settlement, but all refused so long as there was any dan- 
ger from the Spaniards, in whose vicinity they were now sta- 
tioned. But two of them, having families at Darien, he ordered 
along with him. 

The Highlanders were not wholly engaged in military pur- 
suits, for, to a great extent, they were engaged in making their 
settlement permanent. They engaged in the cultivation of Indian 
corn and potatoes ; learned to cut and saw timber, and laid out 
farms upon which they lived. For a frontier settlement, con- 
stantly menaced, all was accomplished that could be. reasonably 
expected. In the woods they found ripe oranges and game, such 
as the wild turkey, buffalo and deer, in abundance. But peace 
and prosperity were not their allotted portion, for their lines were 
now cast in troubled waters. The first year witnessed an appeal 
to arms and a struggle with the Spaniards, which eventually re- 
sulted in a disaster to the Highlanders. Deeds of heroism were 
now enacted, fully in keeping with the tenor of the race. 


The Spaniards, who had their main force at St. Augustine, 
were more or less aggressive, which kept the advanced posts in. a 
state of alarm. John Mohr Macintosh, who had seen service in 
Scotland, was directed by Oglethorpe to instruct the Highlanders 
in their military duty, and under his direction they were daily ex- 
ercised. Hugh MacKay, with a company, had been directed to 
the immediate command of Oglethorpe. 

Disputes early arose between the English colonists and the 
Spaniards regarding the frontier line between the two national- 
ities, and loud complaints were made by the latter on account of 
being harrassed by Indians. Oglethorpe took steps to restrain the 
Indians, and to the Spaniards sent friendly messengers, who were 
immediately seized and confined and at once took measures 
against the colonists. A Spanish warship sailed by St. Simon's 
island and passed Fort St. Andrews, but was not fired upon by the 
Highlanders because she answered their signals. She made her 
way back to St. Augustine when the report gained currency that 
the whole coast was covered with war boats armed with cannon. 
On June 8th the colonists were again threatened by a Spanish 
vessel which came close to Fort St. Andrews before she was dis- 
covered; but when challenged rowed away with the utmost pre- 
cipitation. On board this boat was Don Ignatio with a detach- 
ment of the Spanish garrison, and as many boatmen and Indians 
as the launch could hold. It was at this time that a Highland 
lad named Fraser distinguished himself. Oglethorpe in endeav- 
oring to meet the Spaniards by a flag of truce, or else obtain a 
conference with them, but unable to accomplish either, and being 
about to withdraw, saw the boy, whom he had sent forward, re- 
turning through the woods, driving before him a tall man with a 
musket on his shoulder, two pistols stuck in his girdle, and 
further armed with both a long and short sword. Coming up to 
Oglethorpe the lad said : "Here, sir ; I have caught a Spaniard 
for you." The man was found to have in his possession a letter 
from Oglethorpe's imprisoned messengers which imparted cer- 
tain information that proved to be of great value. 

The imprisoned messengers were ultimately released and sent 
back in a launch with commissioners to treat with Oglethorpe. 


In order to make a favorable impression on the Spaniards, the 
Highlanders, under Ensign MacKay, were ordered out. June 
19th, Ensign MacKay arrived on board the man-of-war Hawk, 
then just olf from Amelia island, with the Highlanders, and a de- 
tachment of the independent company, in their regimentals, who 
lined one side of the ship, while the Highlanders, with their clay- 
mores, targets, plaids, etc., did the same on the other side. The 
commissioners were very handsomely entertained on board the 
war vessel, and after dinner messages in writing were exchanged. 
While this hilarity and peace protestations were being indulged, 
an Indian brought the news that forty Spaniards and some In- 
dians had fallen upon a party of the Creek nation who, then de- 
pending upon the general peace between the Indians, Spanish 
and English, without suspicion, and consequently without guard, 
were surrounded and surprised, several killed and others taken, 
two of whom, being boys, were murdered by dashing out their 

To the people of New Iverness the year 1737 does not ap- 
pear to have been a propitious one. Pioneers were compelled to 
endure hardships of which they had little dreamed, and the High- 
land settlement was no exception to the rule. The record pre- 
served for this year is exceedingly meagre and consists almost 
wholly in the sworn statement of Alexander Monroe, who de- 
serted the colony in 1740. In the latter year he deposed that at 
Darien, where he arrived in 1736 with his wife and child, he had 
cleared, fenced in and planted five acres of land, built a good 
house in the town, and made other improvements, such as garden- 
ing, etc.; that he was never able to support his family by culti- 
vation, though he planted the said five acres three years and had 
good crops, and that he never heard of any white man being able 
to gain a living by planting; that in 1737 the people were reduced 
to such distress for want of provisions, having neither corn, peas, 
rice, potatoes, nor bread-kind of any sort, nor fish, nor flesh of 
any kind in store; that they were forced to go in a body, with 
John Mohr Macintosh at the head, to Frederica and there make a 
demand on the Trust's agent for a supply ; that they were relieved 
by Captain Gascoigne of the Hawk, who spared them two bar- 


rels of flour, and one barrel of beef; and further, he launches an 
indictment against John Mohr Macintosh, who had charge of the 
Trust's store at Darien, for giving the better class of food to his 
own hogs while the people were forced to take that which was 

While this statement of Monroe may possibly be true in the 
main, and that there was actual suffering, yet it must be borne in 
mind that the Highlanders were there living in a changed condi- 
tion. The labor, climate, soil, products, etc., were all new to 
them, and to the changed circumstances the time had been too 
short for them to adapt themselves; nor is it probable that five 
acres were enough for their subsistence. The feeding of cattle, 
which was soon after adopted, would give them a larger field of 

Nor was this all. Inevitable war fell upon the people; for we 
learn that the troop of Highland rangers, under Captain MacKay, 
held Fort St. Andrews "with thirty men, when the Spaniards at- 
tempted the invasion of this Province with a great number of men 
in the year 1737."! Drawing the men away from the settlement 
would necessarily cause more or less suffering and disarrange- 
ment of affairs. 

The record for the year 1738 is more extensive, although 
somewhat contradictory, and exhibits a strong element of dissen- 
tion. Oglethorpe admitted the difficulties under which the people 
labored, ascribing them to the Spanish alarms, but reports that 
John Mohr Macintosh, pursuant to orders from the Trust, had 
disposed of a part of the servants to the free-holders of Darien, 
which encouragement had enabled the settlement to continue. 

"The women were a dead charge to the Trust, excepting a 
few who mended the Cloaths, dressed the Victuals and washed the 
Linnen of the Trustees Men Servants. Some of the Soldiers 
who were Highlanders desiring to marry Women, I gave them 
leave upon their discharging the Trustees from all future Charges 
arising from them. "J 

♦Georgia Hist. Society, Vol. II, p. 115. ^Ibid, Vol. Ill, p. 114. Ogle- 
thorpe to H. Verelst, May 6, 1741. iOglethorpe to H. Verelst, 
Dec. 21, 1738, Georgia Hist. Society, Vol. Ill p. 67. 


The difficulties appear also to have arisen from the fact that 
the free-holders were either unable or else unwilling — which is 
the more likely — to perform manual labor. They labored under 
the want of a sufficient number of servants until they had pro- 
cured some who had been indentured to the Trust for passage 
from Scotland. 

The Reverend John MacLeod, who abandoned the colony in 
1 74 1, made oath that in the year 1738 they found by experience 
that the produce from the land did not answer the expense of time 
and labor, and the voice of the people of Darien was to abandon 
their improvements, and settle to the northward, where they could 
be free from the restraints which rendered incapable of subsisting 
themselves and families.* The declaration of Alexander Mon- 
roe is still more explicit : 

"That in December, 1738, the said inhabitants of Darien find- 
ing that from their first settling in Georgia, their labors turned to 
no account, that their wants were daily growing on them, and 
being weary of apprehension, they came to a resolution to depute 
two men, chosen from amongst them, to go to Charleston, in 
South Carolina, and there to make application to the government, 
in order to obtain a grant of lands to which the whole settlement 
of Darien to a man were to remove altogether, the said John Mc- 
intosh More excepted ; but that it being agreed among them, first 
to acquaint the said Colonel with their intentions, and' their rea- 
sons for such resolutions, John Mcintosh L. (Lynvilge) was em- 
ployed by the said free-holders to lay the same before him, who 
returned them an answer 'that they should have credit for pro- 
visions, with two cows and three calves, and a breeding mare if 
they would continue on their plantations.' That the people with 
the view of these helps, and hoping for the further favor and 
countenance of the said Colonel, and being loth to leave their lit- 
tle all behind them, and begin the world in a strange place, were 
willing to make out a livelihood in the colony ; but whilst they 
were in expectation of these things, this deponent being at his 
plantation, two miles from the town, in Dec, 1738, he received a 
letter from Ronald McDonald, which was sent by order of the 
said Mcintosh More, and brought to this deponent by William, 
son of the said Mcintosh, ordering him, the said deponent, im- 
mediately to come himself, and bring William Monro along with 

*Georgia Hist. Society, Vol. II, p. 113. 


him to town, and advising him that, 'if he did so, he would be 
made a man of, but, that if he did not, he would be ruined for- 
ever.' That this deponent coming away without koss of time, he 
got to the said Mcintosh More's house about nine of the clock 
that night, where he found several of the inhabitants together, and 
where the said Mcintosh More did tell this deponent, 'that if he 
would sign a paper, which he then offered him, that the said 
Colonel would give him cattle and servants from time to time, 
and that he would be a good friend to as many as would sign the 
said paper, but that they would see what would become of those 
that would not sign it, for that the people of Savannah would 
be all ruined, who opposed the said Colonel in it.' That this de- 
ponent did not know the contents of the said paper, but seeing 
that some before him had signed it, his hopes on one side, and 
fears on the other, made him sign it also. That upon his con- 
versing with some of the people, after leaving the house, he was 
acquainted with the contents and design of said paper, which this 
deponent believes to be the petition from the eighteen, which the 
trustees have printed, and that very night he became sensible of 
the wrong he had done; and that his conscience did thereupon 
accuse him, and does yet."* 

The phrase "being weary of oppression" has reference to the 
accusation against Captain Hugh MacKay, who was alleged to 
have "exercised an illegal power there, such as judging in all 
causes, directing and ordering all things according to his will, as 
did the said Mcintosh More, by which many unjust and illegal 
things were done. That not only the servants of the said free- 
holders of Darien were ordered to be tied up and whipt; but also 
this deponent, and Donald Clark, who themselves were free-hold- 
ers, were taken into custody, and bound with ropes, and threat- 
ened to be sent to Frederica to Mr. Horton, and there punished 
by him; this deponent, once for refusing to cry 'All's well,' when 
he was an out-sentry, he having before advised them of the dan- 
ger of so doing, lest the voice should direct the Indians to fire 
upon the sentry, as they had done the night before, and again for 
drumming with his fingers on the side of his house, it being pre- 
tended that he had alarmed the town. That upon account of 
these, and many other oppressions, the free-holders applied to Mr. 
Oglethorpe for a court of justice to be erected, and proper magis- 
trates in Darien, as in other towns in Georgia, that they might 
have justice done among themselves, when he gave them for an- 

*Georgia Hist. Coll. Vol. II, p. 116. 


swer, 'that he would acquaint the trustees with it'; but that this 
deponent heard no more of it."* 

One of the fundamental regulations of the Trustees was the 
prohibition of African slavery in Georgia. However, they had in- 
stituted a system of servitude which indentured both male and 
female to individuals, or the Trustees, for a period of from four 
to fourteen years. On arriving in Georgia, their services were 
sold for the term of indenture, or apportioned to the inhabitants 
by the magistrates, as their necessities required. The sum which 
they brought when thus bid off varied from £2 to £6, besides an 
annual tax of £1 for five years to defray the expense of their voy- 
age. Negro slavery was agitated in Savannah, and on December 
9, 1738, a petition was addressed to the Trustees, signed by one 
hundred ana sixteen, and among other things asked was the in- 
troduction of Negro slavery. On January 3, 1739, a counter peti- 
tion was drawn up and signed by the Highlanders at Darien. On 
March 13th the Saltzburghers of Ebenezer signed a similar peti- 
tion in which they strongly disapproved of the introduction of 
slave labor into the colony. Likewise the people of Frederica pre- 
pared a petition, but desisted from sending it, upon an assurance 
that their apprehensions of the introduction of Negroes were en- 
tirely needless. Many artifices were resorted to in order to gain 
over the Highlanders and have them petition for Negro slaves. 
Failing in this letters were written to them from England en- 
deavoring to intimidate them into a compliance. These counter 
petitions strengthened the Trustees in their resolution. It is a 
noticeable fact, and worthy of record, that at the outbreak of the 
American Revolution the Highlanders of Darien again protested 
against African slavery. 

Those persons dissatisfied with the state of affairs increased 
in numbers and gradually grew more rancorous. It is not sup- 
posable that they could have bettered the condition under the 
circumstances. Historians have been universal in their praise of 
Oglethorpe, and in all probability no one could have given a bet- 
ter administration. His word has been taken without question. 



He declared that "Darien hath been one of the Settlements where 
the People have been most industrious as those of Savannah have 
been most idle. The Trustees have had several Servants there 
who under the direction of Mr. Moore Mcintosh have not only 
earned their bread but have provided the Trust with such Quanti- 
ties of sawed stuff as hath saved them a great sum of money. 
Those Servants cannot be put under the direction of anybody at 
Frederica nor any one that does not understand the Highland 
language. The Woods fit for sawing are near Darien and the 
Trustees engaged not to separate the Highlanders. They are very 
useful under their own Chiefs and no where else. It is very 
necessary therefore to allow Mr. Mackintosh for the overseeing 
the Trust's Servants at Darien."* 

That such was the actual condition of affairs in 1739 there is 
no doubt. However, a partial truth may change the appearance. 
George Philp, who at Savannah in 1740,' declared that for the 

same year, the people "are as incapable of improving their lands 
and raising produces as the people in the northern division, as ap- 
pears irom the very small quantity of Indian corn which hitherto 
had been the chief and almost only produce of the province, some 
few potatoes excepted; and as a proof of which, that he was in 
the south in May last, when the season for planting was over, 
and much less was done at Frederica than in former years; and 
that the people in Darien did inform him, that they had not of 
their own produce to carry to market, even in the year 1739, which 
was the most plentiful year they ever saw there, nor indeed any 
preceding year; nor had they (the people of Darien) bread-kind 
of their own raising, sufficient for the use of their families, from 
one crop to another, as themselves, or some of them, did tell this 
deponent; and further, the said people of Darien were, in May 
last, repining at their servants being near out of their time, be- 
cause the little stock of money they carried over with them was 
exhausted in cultivation which did not bring them a return ; and 
they were thereby rendered quite unable to plant their lands, or 
help themselves anyway." f 

It was one of the agreements made by the Trust that as- 
sistance should be given the colonists. Hence Oglethorpe speaks 
of "the £58 delivered to Mr. Mcintosh at Darien, it was to sup- 
port the Inhabitants of Darien with cloathing and delivered to the 
Trustees' Store there, for which the Individuals are indebted to 

*Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Oct. 20, 1739. Georgia Hist. Coll.. Vol 
III, p. 90. tGeorgia Hist. Coll., Vol. II, p. 119. 


the Trust. Part of it was paid in discharge of service done to the 
Trustees in building, Part is still due and some do pay and are 
ready to pay."* 

The active war with Spain commenced by the murder of two 
unarmed Highlanders on Amelia Island, who had gone into the 
woods for fuel. It was November 14, 1739, that a party of Span- 
iards landed on the island and skulked in the woods. Francis 
Brooks, who commanded a scout boat, heard reports of musketry, 
and at once signaled the fort, when a lieutenant's squad marched 
out and found the murdered Highlanders with their heads cut 
off and cruelly mangled. The Spaniards fled with so much pre- 
cipitation that the squad could not overtake them, though, they 
pursued rapidly. Immediately Oglethorpe began to collect 
around him his inadequate forces for the invasion of Florida. In 
January, 1740, he received orders to make hostile movements 
against Florida, with the assurance that Admiral Vernon should 
co-operate with him. Oglethorpe took immediate action, 3rove 
in the Spanish outposts and invaded Florida, having learned from 
a deserter that St. Augustine was in want of provisions. South 
Carolina rendered assistance; and its regiment reached Darien 
the first of May, where it was joined by Oglethorpe's favorite 
corps, the Highlanders, ninety strong, commanded by Captain 
John Mohr Mcintosh and Lieutenant MacKay. They were or- 
dered, accompanied by an Indian force, to proceed by land, at 
once, to Co,w-ford (afterwards Jacksonville), upon the St. Johns. 
With four hundred of his regiment, Oglethorpe, on May 3d, left 
Frederica, in boats, and on the 9th reached the Cow-ford. The 
Carolina regiment and the Highlanders having failed to make the 
expected junction at that point, Oglethorpe, who would brook no 
delay, immediately proceeded against Fort Diego, which surren- 
dered on the 10th, and garrisoned it with sixty men under Lieu- 
tenant Dunbar. With the remainder he returned to the Cow-ford, 
and there met the Carolina regiment and Mcintosh's Highlanders. 
Here Oglethorpe massed nine hundred soldiers and eleven hun- 

*Oglethorpe to H. Verelst, Dec. 29, 1739. Georgia Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, 
p. 96. 


dred Indians, and marched the whole force against Fort Moosa, 
which was built of stone, and situated less than two miles from St. 
Augustine, which the Spaniards evacuated without offering re- 
sistance. Having burned the gates, and made three breaches in 
the walls, Oglethorpe then proceeded to reconnoitre the town and 
castle. Assisted by some ships of war lying at anchor off St. 
Augustine bar, he determined to blockade the town. For this pur- 
pose he left Colonel Palmer, with ninety-five Highlanders and 
fifty-two Indians, at Fort Moosa, with instructions to scour the 
woods and intercept all supplies for the enemy; and, for safety, 
encamp every night at different places. This was the only party 
left to guard the land side. The Carolina regiment was sent to 
occupy a point of land called Point Quartel, about a mile distant 
from the castle; while he himself with his regiment and the 
greater part of the Indians embarked in boats, and landed on the 
Island of Anastatia, where he erected batteries and commenced a 
bombardment of the town. The operations of the beseigers be- 
ginning to relax, the Spanish commander sent a party of six hun- 
dred to surprise Colonel Palmer at Fort Moosa. The Spaniards 
had noted that for. five nights Colonel Palmer had made Fort 
Moosa his resting place. They came in boats with muffled oars at 
the dead of night, and landed unheard and undiscovered. The 
Indians, who were relied on by Palmer, were watching the land 
side, but never looked towards the water. 

Captain Macintosh had remonstrated with Colonel Palmer 
for remaining at Fort Moosa more than one night, until it pro- 
duced an alienation between them. The only thing then left for 
Macintosh was to make his company sleep on their arms. At the 
first alarm they were in rank, and as the Spanish infantry ap- 
proached in three columns they were met with a Highland shout. 
The contest was unequal, and although the Highlanders ral- 
lied to the support of Macintosh, their leader, and fought with 
desperation, yet thirty-six of them fell dead or wounded at the 
first charge. When Colonel Palmer saw the overwhelming force 
that assaulted his command, he directed the rangers without the 
wall to fly ; but, refusing to follow them, he paid the debt of his 
obstinacy with his blood. 


The surprise at Fort Moosa led to the failure of Ogle- 
thorpe's expedition. John Mohr Macintosh was a prisoner, and 
as Oglethorpe had no officer to exchange for him, he was sent to 
Spain, where he was detained several years — his fate unknown 
to his family — and when he did return to his family it was with 
a broken constitution and soon to die, leaving his children to such 
destiny as might await them, without friends, in the wilds of 
America, for the one who could assist them — General Oglethorpe 
— was to be recalled, in preparation to meet the Highland Rising 
of I745> when he, too, was doomed to suffer degradation from the 
duke of Cumberland, and injury to his military reputation. 

It was the same regiment of Spaniards that two years later 
was brought from Cuba to lead in all enterprises that again was 
destined to meet the remnant of those Highlanders, but both the 
scene and the result were different. It was in the light of day, 
and blood and slaughter, but not victory awaited them. 

The conduct of the eldest son of John Mohr Macintosh is 
worthy of mention. He was named after his grand uncle, the 
celebrated Old Borlum (General William Macintosh), who com- 
manded a division of the Highlanders in the Rising of 171 5. 
William was not quite fourteen years of age when his father left 
Darien for Florida. He wished to accompany the army, but his 
father refused. Determined not to be thwarted in his purpose, 
he overtook the army at Barrington. He was sent back the 
next day under an armed guard. Taking a small boat, he ferried 
up to Clarke's Bluff, on the south side of the Alatamaha, intend- 
ing to keep in the rear until the troops had crossed the St. Mary's, 
river. He soon fell in with seven Indians, who knew him, for 
Darien had become a great rendezvous for them, and were greatly 
attached to the Highlanders, partly on account of their wild man- 
ners, their manly sports and their costume, somewhat resembling 
their own. They caressed the boy, and heartily entered into his 
views. They followed the advancing troops and informed him 
of all that transpired in his father's camp, yet carefully concealing 
his presence among them until after the passage of the St. Mary's, 
where, with much triumph, led him to his father and said "that 
he was a young warrior and would fight ; that the Great Spirit 


would watch over his life, for he loved young warriors." He 
followed his father until he saw him fall at Fort Moosa, covered 
with wounds, which so transfixed him with horror, that he was 
not aroused to action until a Spanish officer laid hold of his plaid. 
Light and as elastic as a steel bow, he slipped from under his 
grasp, and made his escape with the wreck of the corps. 

Those who escaped the massacre went over in a boat to Point 
Quartel. Some of the Chickasaw Indians, who also had escaped, 
met a Spaniard, cut off his head and presented it to Oglethorpe. 
With abhorence he rejected it, calling them barbarian dogs and 
bidding them begone. As might be expected, the Chickasaws 
were offended and deserted him. A party of Creeks brought 
four Spanish prisoners to Oglethorpe, who informed him that St. 
Augustine had been reinforced by seven hundren men and a 
large supply of provisions. The second day after the Fort Moosa 
affair, the Carolina* regiment deserted, the colonel leading the 
rout; nor did he arrest his flight until darkness overtook him, 
thirty miles from St. Augustine. Other circumstances operating 
against him, Oglethorpe commenced his retreat from Florida and 
reached Frederica July 10, 1740. 

The inhabitants of Darien continued to live in huts that 
were tight and warm. Prior to 1740 they had been very indus- 
trious in planting, besides being largely engaged in driving cat- 
tle for the regiment ; but having engaged in the invasion of Flor- 
ida, little could be done at home, where their families remained. 
One writerf declared that "the people live very comfortably, with 
great unanimity. I know of no other settlement in this colony 
more desirable, except Ebenezer." The settlement was greatly 
decimated on account of the number killed and taken prisoners 
at Fort Moosa. This gave great discontent on the part of those 
who already felt aggrieved against the Trust. 

The discontent among many of the colonists, some of whom 
were influential, again broke out in 1741, some of whom went to 
Savannah, October 7th, to consider the best method of presenting 
their grievances. They resolved to send an agent to England 

*See Appendix, Note H. fThomas Jones, dated Savannah, Sept. 18, 1740 
Georgia Hist. Coll., Vol. I, p. 200. 


to represent their case to the proper authorities, "in order to the 
effectual settling and establishing of the said province, and to re- 
move all those grievances and hardships we now labor under." 
The person selected as agent was Thomas Stevens, the son of 
the president of Georgia, who had resided there about four years, 
and who, it was thought, from his connection with the president, 
would give great weight to the proceedings. Mr. Stevens sailed 
for England on March 26, 1742, presented his petition to parlia- 
ment, which was considered together with the answer of the Trus- 
tees ; which resulted in Mr. Stevens being brought to the bar of 
the House of Commons, and upon his knees, before the assem- 
bled counsellors of Great Britain, was reprimanded for his con- 
duct, and then discharged, on paying his fees. 

A list of the people who signed the petition and counter pe- 
tions affords a good criterion of the class represented at Darien, 
living there before and after the battle of Moosa. Among the 
complainants may be found the names of : 

James Campbell, Thomas Fraser, Patrick Grahame, John 
Grahame, John McDonald, Peter McKay, Benjamin Mcintosh, 
John Mcintosh, Daniel McKay, Farquhar McGuilvery, Daniel 
McDonald, Rev. John McLeod, Alexander Monro, John Mcln- 
tire, Owen McLeod, Alexander Rose, Donald Stewart. 

It is not certain that all the above were residents of Da- 
rien. Among those who signed the petition in favor of the 
Trust, and denominated the body of the people, and distinctly 
stated to be living at Darien, are the names of : 

John Mackintosh Moore, John Mackintosh Lynvilge, Ronald 
McDonald, Hugh Morrison, John McDonald, John Maclean, 
John Mackintosh, son of L., John Mackintosh Bain, John McKay, 
Daniel Clark, first, Alexander Clarke, Donald Clark, third, 
Joseph Burges, Donald Clark, second, Archibald McBain, Alex- 
ander Munro, William Munro, John Cuthbert. 

During the autumn of 1741, Reverend John AlcLeod aban- 
doned his Highland charge at Darien, went to South Carolina 
and settled at Edisto. In an oath taken November 12, 1741, 
he represents the people of Darien to be in a deplorable condition. 
Oglethorpe, in his letter to the Trustees,* evidently did not think 

*Dated April 28 1741. Georgia Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, p. 113. 


Mr. McLeod was the man really fit for his position, for he says: 
"We want here some men fit for schoolmasters, one at Fred- 
erica and one at Darien, also a sedate and sober minister, one of 
some experience in the world and whose first heat of youth is 

The long-threatened invasion of Carolina and Georgia by the 
Spaniards sailed from Havana, consisting of a great fleet, among 
which were two half galleys, carrying one hundred and twenty 
men each and an eighteen-pound gun. A part of the fleet, on 
June 20th, was seen off the harbor of St. Simons, and the next day 
in Cumberland Sound. Oglethorpe dispatched two companies 
in three boats to the relief of Fort William, on Cumberland 
island, which were forced to fight their way through the fire from 
the Spanisn galleys. Soon after thirty-two sail came to anchor 
off the bar, with the Spanish colors flying, and there remained 
five days. They landed five hundred men at Gascoin's bluff, on 
July 5th. Oglethorpe blew up Fort William, spiked the guns and 
signalled his ships to run up to Frederica, and with his land forces 
retired to the same place, where he arrived July 6th. The day fol- 
lowing the enemy were within a mile of Frederica. When this 
news was brought to Oglethorpe he took the first horse he found 
and with the Highland company, having ordered sixty men of 
the regiment to follow, he set off on a gallop to meet the Span- 
iards, whom he found to be one hundred and seventy strong, in- 
cluding forty-five Indians. With his Indian Rangers and ten 
Highlanders, who outran the rest of the company, he immedi- 
ately attacked and defeated the Spaniards. After pur- 
suing them a mile, he halted his troops and posted 
them to advantage in the woods, leaving two com- 
panies of his regiment with the Highlanders and Indians 
to guard the way, and then returned to Frederica to await 
further movements of the enemy. Finding no immediate move- 
ment on the part of his foes, Oglethorpe, with the whole force 
then at Frederica, except such as were absolutely necessary to 
man the batteries, returned to the late field of action, and when 
about half way met two platoons of his troops, with the great 
body of his Indians, who declared they had been broken by the 


whole Spanish force, which assailed them in the woods; and the 
enemy were now in pursuit, and would soon be upon them. Not- 
withstanding this disheartening report, Oglethorpe continued his 
march, and to his great satisfaction, found that Lieutenants 
Southerland and MacKay, with the Highlanders alone, had de- 
feated the enemy, consisting of six hundred men, and killed more 
of them than their own force numbered. At first the Spanish forces 
overwhelmed the colonists by their superior numbers, when the 
veteran troops became seized with a panic. They made a pre- 
cipitate retreat, the Highlanders following reluctantly in the rear. 
After passing through a defile, LieutenantMacKay communicat- 
ed to his friend, Lieutenant Southerland, who commanded the 
i ear guard, composed also of Highlanders, the feelings of his 
corps, and agreeing to drop behind as soon as the whole had 
passed the defile. They returned through the brush and took 
post at the two points of the crescent in the road. Four In- 
dians remained with them. Scarcely had they concealed them- 
selves in the woods, when the Spanish grenadier regiment, the 
elite of their troops, advanced into the defile, where, seeing the 
footprints of the rapid retreat of the broken troops, and observ- 
ing their right was covered by an open morass, and their left, as 
they supposed, by an impracticable wall of brushwood, and a bor- 
der of dry white sand, they stacked their arms and sat down to 
partake of refreshments, believing that the contest for the day 
was over. Southerland and MacKay, who, from their hiding 
places, had anxiously watched their movements, now from either 
end of the line raised the Highland cap upon a sword, the signal 
for the work of death to begin. Immediately the Highlanders 
poured in upon the unsuspecting enemy a well delivered and most 
deadly fire. Volley succeeded volley, and the sand was soon 
strewed with the dead and the dying. Terror and dismay seized 
the Spaniards, and making no resistance attempted to fly along 
the marsh. A few of their officers attempted, though in vain, 
to re-form their broken ranks ; discipline was gone ; orders were 
unheeded; safety alone was sought; and, when, with a Highland 
shout of triumph, the hidden foe burst among them with levelled 
musket and flashing claymore, the panic stricken Spaniards fled in 


every direction; some to the marsh, where they mired and were 
taken; others along the defile, where they were met by the clay- 
more, and still others into the thicket, where they became en- 
tangled and perished; and a few succeeded in escaping to their 
camp. Barba was taken, though mortally wounded. Among 
the killed were a captain, lieutenant, two sergeants, two drummers 
and one hundred and sixty privates, and a captain and nineteen 
men taken prisoners. .This feat of arms was as brilliant as it 
was successful. Oglethorpe, with the two platoons ,did not reach 
the scene of action, since called the "Bloody Marsh," until the 
victory was won. To show his sense of the services rendered, 
he promoted the brave young officers who had gained it on the 
very field' of their valor. But he rested only for a few min- 
utes, waiting for the marines and the reserve of the regiment to 
come up ; and then pursued the retreating enemy to within a mile 
and a half of their camp. During the night the foe retreated 
within the ruins of the fort, and under the protection of their 
cannon. A few days later the -Spaniards became so alarmed on 
the appearance of three vessels off the bar that they immediately 
set fire to the fort and precipitately embarked their troops, aban- 
doning in their hurry and confusion, several cannon, a quantity of 
military stores, and even leaving unburied some of the men who 
had just died of their wounds. 

The massacre of Fort Moosa was more than doubly avenged, 
and that on the same Spanish regiment that was then victor- 
ious. On the present occasion they had set out from their camp 
with the determination to show no quarter. In the action Will- 
iam Macintosh, now sixteen years of age, was conspicuous. No 
shout rose higher, and no sword waved quicker than his on that 
day. The tract of land which surrounded the field of action was 
afterwards granted to him. 

A brief sketch of Ensign John Stuart will not be out of place 
in this record and connection. During the Spanish invasion he 
was stationed at Fort William, and there gained an honorable 
reputation in holdine it against the enemy. Afterwards he be- 
came the celebrated Captain Stuart and father of Sir John Stuart, 
the victor over General Ranier, at the battle of Maida, in Calabria. 


In 1757 Captain Stuart was taken prisoner at Fort Loudon, in the 
Cherokee country, and whose life was saved by his friend, Atta- 
kullakulla. This ancient chief had remembered Captain Stuart 
when he was a young Highland officer under General Oglethorpe, 
although years had rolled away. The Indians were now filled 
with revenge at the treachery of Governor Littleton, of Caro- 
lina, on account of the imprisonment and death of the chiefs of 
twenty towns ; yet no actions of others could extinguish, in this 
generous and high-minded man, the friendship of other years. 
The dangers of that day, the thousand wiles and accidents Cap- 
tain Stuart escaped from, made him renowned among the Indians, 
and centered on him the affections and confidence of the southern 
tribes. It was the same Colonel John Stuart, of the Revolution- 
ary War, who, from Pensacola, directed at will the movements 
of the Cherokees, Creeks, Chickasaws and Choctaws, against all, 
save Georgia. That state suffered but little from Indian ag- 
gression during the War for Independence. Nor was that feel- 
ing extinct among the Creeks for a period of fifty years, or until 
they believed that the people of Oglethorpe had passed away. 

The year 1743 opened with fresh alarms of a new invasion, 
jointly of the French and Spanish. The Governor of Cuba of- 
fered to invade Georgia and Carolina, with ten thousand men, 
most of whom were then in Havanna. Oglethorpe, with his 
greatly reduced force, was left alone to bear the burden of defend- 
ing Georgia. Believing that a sudden blow would enhance his 
prospects, he took his measures, and accordingly, on Saturday, 
February 26, 1743, the detachment destined for Florida, consist- 
ing of a portion of the Highlanders, rangers and regulars, appear- 
ed under arms at Frederica, and on March 9th, landed in Florida. 
He advanced upon St. Augustine, and used every device to de- 
coy them into an ambush, but even failed to provoke the garrison. 
Having no "cannon with him, he returned to Frederica, without the 
loss of a man. This expedition was attended with great toil, 
fatigue and privation, but borne cheerfully. A few slight erup- 
tive efforts were made, but each party kept its own borders, and 
the slight conflicts in America were lost in the universal confla- 
gration in Europe. 


The Highlanders had borne more than their share of the bur- 
dens of war, and had lost heavily. Their families had shared 
in their privations. The majority had remained loyal to Ogle- 
thorpe, and proved that in every emergency they could be de- 
pended on. In later years the losses were partially supplied by 
accessions from their countrymen. 

With all the advantages that Georgia offered and the induce- 
ments held out to emigrants, the growth was very slow. In 1761 
the whole number of white inhabitants amounted to but sixty-one 
hundred. However, in 1773, or twelve years later, it had leaped 
to eighteen thousand white and fifteen thousand black. The 
reasons assigned for this increase were the great inducements held 
out to people to come and settle where they could get new and 
good lands at a moderate cost, with plenty of good range for cat- 
tle, horses and hogs, and where they would not be so pent up and 
confined as in the more thickly settled provinces. 

The Macintoshes had ever been foremost, and in the attempt 
to consolidate Georgia with Carolina they were prominent in their 
opposition to the scheme. 

Forty years in America had endeared the Highlanders of 
Darien to the fortunes of their adopted country. The children 
knew of none other, save as they heard it from the lips of their 
parents. Free in their inclinations, and with their environments 
it is not surprising that they should become imbued with the prin- 
ciples of the American Revolution. Their foremost leader, who 
gained imperishable renown, was Lachlan Macintosh, son of John 
Mor. His brother, William, also took a very active part, and 
made great sacrifices. At one time he was pursued beyond the 
Alatamaha and his negroes taken from him. 

To what extent the Darien Highlanders espoused the cause 
of Great Britain would be difficult to fathom, but in all probabil- 
ity to no appreciable extent. The records exhibit that there were 
some royalists there, although when under British sway may have 
been such as a matter of protection, which was not uncommon 
throughout the Southern States. The record is exceedingly 
brief. On May 20, 1780, Charles McDonald, justice of peace 
for St. Andrew's parish (embracing Darien), signed the address 


to the King. Sir, James Wright, royal governor of Georgia, writ- 
ing to lord George Germain, dated February 16, 1782, says : 

"Yesterday my Lord I Received Intelligence that two Partys 
of about 140 in the whole were gone over the Ogechee Ferry to- 
wards the Alatamaha River & had been in St. Andrews Parish ( a 
Scotch settlement) & there Murdered 12 or 13 Loyal Subjects."* 

The Highlanders were among the first to take action, and 
had no fears of the calamities of war. The military spirit of 
their ancestors showed no deterioration in their constitutions. Dur- 
ing the second week in January, 1775, a district congress was held 
by the inhabitants of St. Andrew's Parish (now Darien), at which 
a series of resolutions were passed, embodying, with great force 
and earnestness, the views of the freeholders of that large and 
flourishing district. These resolutions , six in number, expressed 
first, their approbation of "the unparalleled moderation, the de- 
cent, but firm and manly, conduct of the loyal and brave people 
of Boston and Massachusetts Bay, to preserve their liberty;" 
their approval of "all the resolutions of the Grand American Con- 
gress," and their hearty and "cheerful accession to the associa- 
tion entered into by them, as the wisest and most moderate mea- 
sure that could be adopted." The second resolution condemned 
the closing of the land offices, to the great detriment of Colonial 
growtn, and to the injury of the industrious poor, declaring "that 
all encouragement should be given to the poor of every nation by 
every generous American." The third, animadverted upon the 
ministerial mandates which prevented colonial assemblies from 
passing such laws as the general exigencies of the provinces re- 
quired, an especial grievance, as they affirmed, "in this young 
colony, where our internal police is not yet well settled." The 
fourth condemned the practice of making colonial officers de- 
pendent for salaries on Great Britain, "thus making them inde- 
pendent of the people, who should support them according to their 
usefulness and behavior." The fifth resolution declares "our 
disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural practice of slav- 
ery in America," and their purpose to urge "the manumission of 
our slaves in this colony, upon the most safe and equitable footing 

♦Georgia Hist. Coll., Vol. Ill, p. 370. 


for the masters and themselves." And, lastly, they thereby 
chose delegates to represent the parish in a provincial congress, 
and instruct them to urge the appointment of two delegates to 
the Continental Congress, to be held in Philadelphia, in May. 

Appended to these resolutions were the following articles of 
agreement or association : > 

"Being persuaded that the salvation of the rights and liber- 
ties of America depend, under God, on the firm union oi the in- 
habitants in its vigorous prosecution of the measures necessary 
for its safety, and convinced of the necessity of preventing the 
anarchy and confusion which attend the dissolution of the powers 
of government, we, the freemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of 
the province of Georgia, being greatly alarmed at the avowed de- 
sign of the Ministry to raise a revenue in America, and shocked 
by the bloody scene now acting in the Massachusetts Bay, do, in 
the most solemn manner, resolve never to become slaves ; and do 
associate, under all the ties of religion, honor and love of coun- 
try, to adopt and endeavor to carry into execution, whatever may 
be recommended by the Continental Congress, or resolved upon by 
our Provincial Convention that shall be appointed, for the pur- 
pose of preserving our Constitution, and opposing the execution 
of the several arbitrary and oppressive acts of the British Parlia- 
ment, until a reconciliation between Great Britain and America, 
on constitutional principles, which we most ardently desire, can 
be obtained ; and that we will in all things follow the advice of 
our general committee, to be appointed, respecting the purposes 
aforesaid, the preservation of peace and gooci order, and the safe- 
ty of individuals and private property." 

Among the names appended to these resolutions there may 
be selected such as: 

Lach. Mcintosh, Charles McDonald, John Mcintosh, Samuel 
McClelland, Jno. McCulloch, William McCullough, John McClel- 
land, Seth McCullough. 

On July 4, 1775, the Provincial Congress met at Tondee's 
Long Room, Savannah. Every parish and district was repre- 
sented. St. Andrew's parish sent : 

Jonathan Cochran, William Jones, Peter Tarlin, Lachlan Mc- 
intosh, William Mcintosh, George Threadcroft, John Wesent, 
Roderick Mcintosh. John Witherspoon, George Mcintosh, Allen 
Stuart, John Mcintosh, Raymond Demere. 


The resolutions adopted by these hardy patriots were sacred- 
ly kept. Their deeds, however, partake morj of personal nar- 
ration, and only their heroic defense need be mentioned. The 
following narration should not escape special notice : 

On the last of February, 1776, the Scarborough, Hinchin- 
broke, St. John, and two large transports, with soldiers, then ly- 
ing at Tybee, came up the river and anchored at five fathoms. 
On March 2nd, two of the vessels sailed up the channel of Back 
river, The Hinchinbroke, in attempting to go round Hutchinson's 
island, and so come down upon the shipping from above, ground- 
ed at the west end of the island, opposite Brampton. During 
the night there landed from the first vessel, between two and three 
hundred troops, under the command of Majors Grant and Mait- 
land, and silently marched across Hutchinson's island, and through 
collusion with the captains were embarked by four A. M., in the 
merchant vessels which lay near the store on that island. The 
morning of the 3rd revealing the close proximity of the enemy 
caused great indignation among the people. Two companies of 
riflemen, under Major Habersham, immediately attacked the 
grounded vessel and drove every man from its deck. By nine 
o'clock it became known that troops had been secreted on board 
the merchantmen, which news created intense excitement, and 
three hundred men, under Colonel Mcintosh, were marched to 
Yamacraw Bluff, opposite the shipping, and there threw up a 
hasty breast-work, through which they trained three four-pound- 
ers to bear upon the vessels. Anxious, however, to avoid blood- 
shed, Lieutenant Daniel Roberts, of the St. John's Rangers, and 
Mr. Raymond Demere, of St. Andrew's Parish, solicited, and 
were permitted by the commanding officer, to go on board and 
demand a surrender of Rice and his people, who, with his boat's 
crew, had been forcibly detained. Although, on a mission of 
peace, no sooner had they reached the vessel, on board of which 
was Captain Barclay and Major Grant, than they were seized 
and detained as prisoners. The people on shore, after waiting 
a sufficient length of time, hailed the vessel, through a speaking- 
trumpet, and demanded the return of all who were, detained on 
board ; but receiving only insulting replies, they discharged two 


four-pounders at the vessel; whereupon they solicited that the 
people should send on board two men in whom they most con- 
fided, and with them they agreed to negotiate. Twelve of the 
Rangers, led by Captain Screven, of the St. John's Rangers, and 
Captain Baker, were immediately rowed under the stern of the 
vessel and there peremptorily demanded the deputies. Incensed 
by insulting language, Captain Baker fired a shot, which im- 
mediately drew on his boat a discharge of swivels and small arms. 
The batteries then opened, which was briskly answered for the 
space of four hours. The next step was to set fire to the ves- 
sels, the first being the Inverness, which drifted upon the brig 
Nelly, which was soon in flames. The officers and soldiers fled 
from the vessels, in the utmost precipitation across the low marshes 
and half-drained rice-fields, several being killed by the grape 
shot played upon them. As the deputies were still held pris- 
oners, the Council of Safety, on March 6th, put under arrest all 
the members of the Royal Council then in Savannah, besides men- 
acing the ships at Tybee. An exchange was not effected until 
the 27th." 

As already stated, Darien experienced some of the vicissi- 
tudes of war. On April 18, 1778, a small army, under Colonel 
Elbert, embarked on the galleys Washington, Lee and Bullock, 
and by 10 o'clock next morning, near Frederica, had captured the 
brigantine Hinchinbroke, the sloop Rebecca and a prize brig, 
which had spread terror on the coast. 

In 1779 the parishes of St. John, St. Andrew and St. James 
were erected into one county, under the name of Liberty. 

In March, 1780, the royal governor, Sir James Wright, at- 
tempted to re-establish the old government, and issued writs re- 
turnable May 5. Robert Baillie and James Spalding were re- 
turned from St. Andrew's parish. 

The settlement of Darien practically remained a pure High- 
land one until the close of the Revolution. The people proved 
themselves faithful and loyal to the best interests of the common- 
wealth, and equal to such exigencies as befell them. While dis- 
asters awaited them and fierce ordeals were passed through, yet 
fortune eventually smiled upon them. 

Captain Lauchlan Campbell's New York Colony. 

The fruitful soil of America, together with the prospects of 
a home and an independent living, was peculiarly adapted to 
awaken noble aspirations in the breasts of those who were inter- 
ested in the welfare of that class whose condition needed a radi- 
cal enlargement. Among this class of Nature's noblemen there 
is no name deserving of more praise than that of Lauchlan 
Campbell. Although his name, as well as the migration of his 
infant colony, has gone out of Islay ken, where he was born, yet 
his story has been fairly well preserved in the annals of the prov- 
ince of New York. It was first publicly made known by Will- 
iam Smith, in his "History of New York." 

Lauchlan Campbell was possessed of a high sense of honor 
and a good understanding; was active, loyal, ot a military dispo- 
sition, and, withal, strong: philanthropic inclinations. By plac- 
ing implicit confidence in the royal governors of New York, he 
fell a victim to their roguery, deception and heartlessness, which 
ultimately crushed him and left him almost penniless. The story 
has been set forth in the following memorial, prepared by his son : 

"Memorial of Lieutenant Campbell to the Lords of Trade. 
To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of Trade, 
&c. Memorial of Lieut. Donald Campbell of the Province of 
New York Plantation. Humbly Showeth, 

That in the year 1734 Colonel Cosby being then Governor 
of the Province of New York by and with the advice and assent of 
his Council published a printed Advertisement for encouraging 
the Resort of Protestants from Europe to settle upon the Northern 
Frontier of the said Province (in the route from Fort Edward 
to Crown Point) promising to each family two hundred acres of 
unimproved land out of 100,000 acres purchased from the In- 
dians, without any fee or expences whatsoever, except a very 
moderate charge for surveying & liable only to the King's Quit 


Rent of one shilling and nine pence farthing per hundred acres, 
which settlement would at that time have been of the utmost util- 
ity to the Province & tnese proposals were looked upon as so ad- 
vantageous, that they could not fail of having a proper effect. 

That these Proposals in 1737, falling into the hands of Cap- 
tain Lauchlin Campbell of the Island of Isla, he the same year 
went over to North America, and passing through the Province 
of Pennsilvania where he rejected many considerable offers that 
were made him, he proceeded to New York, where, tho' Governor 
Cosby was deceased, George Clarke Esqr. then Governor, assured 
him no part of the lands were as yet granted; importuned him 
& two or three persons that went over with him to go up and visit 
the lands, which they did, and were very kindly received and 
greatly caressed by the Indians. On his return to New York he 
received the most solemn promises that he should have a thousand 
acres for every family that he brought over, and that each fam- 
ily should have according to their number from five hundred to 
one hundred and fifty acres, but declined making any Grant till 
the Families arrived, because, according to the Constitution of that 
Government, the names of the settlers were to be inserted in that 
Grant. Captain Campbell accordingly returned to Isla, and 
brought from thence at a very large expense, his own Family and 
Thirty other Families, making in all, one hundred and fifty-three 
Souls. He went again to visit the lands, received all possible 
respect and kindness from the Government, who proposed an old 
Fort Anna to be repaired, to cover the new settlers from the 
French Indians. At the same time, the People of New York 
proposed to maintain the people already brought, till Captain 
Campbell could return and bring more, afledging that it would be 
for the interest of the Infant Colony to settle upon the lands in a 
large Body; that, covered by the Fort, and assisted by the In- 
dians, they might be less liable to the Incursions of Enemies. 

That to keep up the spirit of the undertaking, Governor 
Clarke, by a writing bearing date the 4th day of December, 1738, 
declared his having promised Captain Campbell thirty thousand 
acres of land at Wood Creek, free of charges, except the ex- 
pence of surveying & the King's Quit Rent in consideration of 
his having already brought over thirty families who according 
to their respective numbers in each family, were to have from 
one hundred and fifty to five hundred acres. Encouraged by 
this declaration, he departed in the same month for IsJa, and in 
August, 1739, brought over Forty Families more, and under the 
Faith of the said promises made a third voyage, from which he 
returned in November, 1740, bringing with him thirteen Families 


the whole making eighty-three Families, composed of Four Hun- 
dred and Twenty Three Persons, all sincere and loyal Protest- 
ants, and very capable of forming a respectable Frontier for the 
security of the Province, But after all these perilous and expen- 
sive voyages, and tho' there wanted but Seventeen Families to 
complete the number for which he had undertaken, he found no 
longer the same countenance or protection but on the contrary 
it was insinuated to him that he could have no land either for him- 
self or the people, but upon conditions in direct violation of the 
Faith of Government, and detrimental to the interests of those 
who upon his assurances had accompanied him into America. The 
people also were reduced to demand separate Grants for them- 
selves, which upon large promises some of them did, yet more of 
them never had so much as a foot of land, and many listed them- 
selves to join the Expedition to Cuba. 

That Captain Campbell having disposed of his whole For- 
tune in the Island of Isla, expended the far greatest part of it from 
his confidence in these fallacious promises found himself at length 
constrained to employ the little he had left in the purchase of a 
small farm seventy miles north of New York for the subsistence 
of himself and his Family consisting of three sons and three 
daughters. He went over again into Scotland in 1745, and hav- 
ing the command of a Company of the Argyleshire men, served 
with Reputation under his Royal Highness the Duke, against the 
Rebels. He went back to America in 1747 and not longer after 
died of a broken heart, leaving behind him the six children be- 
fore mentioned of whom your Memoralist is the eldest, in very 
narrow and distressed circumstances." 

All these facts are briefly commemorated by Mr. Smith in his 
History of the Colony of New York, page 179, where are some 
severe, though just strictures on the behavior of those in power 
towards him and the families he brought with him, and the loss 
the Province sustained by such behavior towards them. 

That at the Commencement of the present War, your Me- 
moralist and both his brothers following their Father's principles 
in hopes of better Fortune entered into the Army & served in the 
Forty Second, Forty Eighth and Sixtieth Regiments of Foot dur- 
ing the whole War, at the close of which your Memoralist and 
his brother George were reduced as Lieutenants upon half pay, 
and their, youngest Brother still continues in the service ; the small 
Farm purchased by their father being the sole support of them- 
selves and three sisters till they were able to provide for them- 
selves in the manner before mentioned, and their sisters are now 
married & settled in the Province of New York. 


That after the conclusion of the Peace, your Memoralist 
considering the number of Families dispersed through the Prov- 
ince which came over with his Father, and finding in them a gen- 
eral disposition to settle with him on the lands originally prom- 
ised them, if they could be obtained, in the month of February, 
1763, petitioned Governor Monckton for the said lands but was 
able only to procure a Grant of ten thousand acres, (for obtain- 
ing which, he disbursed in Patent and other fees, the sum of two 
hundred Guineas), the people in Power alledging that land was 
now at a far greater value than at the time of your Memoralisf's 
Father's coming into the Province, and even this upon the com- 
mon condition of settling ten Families upon the said lands and 
paying a Quit Rent to the Crown. Part however of the Peo- 
ple who had promised to settle with your Memoralist in case he 
had prevailed, were drawn to petition for lands to themselves, 
which they obtained, tho' they never could get one foot of land 
before, which provision of lands as your Memoralist apprehends, 
ought in Equity to be considered as an obligation on the Prov- 
ince to perform, so far as the number of those Families goes, the 
Conditions stipulated with his Father, as those Families never 
had come into & consequently could not now be remaining in the 
Province, if he had not persuaded them to accompany him, & been 
at a very large expence in transporting them thither. 

That there are still very many of these Families who have 
no land and would willingly settle with your Memoralist. That 
there are numbers of non commissioned Officers and Soldiers of 
the Regiments disbanded in North America who notwithstanding 
His Majesty's gracious Intentions are from many causes too long 
to trouble your Lordship with at present without any settlement 
provided for them, and that there are also many Families of loyal 
Protestants in the Islands and other parts of North Britain which 
might be induced by reasonable proposals and a certainty of their 
being fulfilled, to remove into the said Province, which would 
add greatly to the strength, security and opulence thereof, and 
he in all respects faithful and serviceable subjects to His Ma- 

That the premisses considered, particularly the long scene 
of hardships to which your Memoralist's Family has been ex- 
posed, for Twenty Six years, in consideration of his own and his 
Brothers' services, & the perils to which they have been exposed 
during the long and fatiguing War, and the Prospect he still has 
of contributing to the settlement of His Majesty's unimproved 
country, your" Memoralist humbly prays that Your Lordships 
would direct the Government of New York to grant to him the 


said One Hundred thousand Acres, upon his undertaking to set- 
tle One Hundred or One Hundred and Fifty Families upon the 
same within the space of Three years or such other Recompence 
or Relief as upon mature Deliberation on the Hardships and Suf- 
ferings which his Father and his Family have for so many years- 
endured, & their merits, in respect to the Province of New York 
which might be incontestably proved, if it was not universally 
acknowledged, may in your great Wisdom be thought to deserve. 

And your Memoralist ; &c, &c, &c* 

May, 1764." 

It was the policy of the home government to settle as rapidly 
as possible the wild lands; not so much for the purpose of bene- 
fiting the emigrant as it was to enhance the king's exchequer. 
The royal governors apparently held out great inducements to the 
settlers, but the sequel always showed that a species of blackmail 
or tribute must be paid by the purchasers before the lands were 
granted. The governor was one thing to the higher authorities',, 
but far different to those from whom he could reap advantage. 
The seeming disinterested motives may be thus illustrated : 

Under date of New York, July 26, 1736, George Clarke, lieu- 
tenant governor of New York, writes to the duke of Newcastle, 
in which he says, it was principally 

"To augment his Majesty's Quit rents that I projected a 
Scheme to settle the Mohacks Country in this Province, which I 
have the pleasure to hear from Ireland and Holland is like to 
succeed. The scheme is to give grants gratis of an hundred 
thousand acres of land to the first five hundred protestant familys- 
that come from Europe in two hundred acres to a family, these be- 
ing settled will draw thousands after them, for both the situa- 
tion and quantity of the Land are much preferable to any in Pen- 
silvania, the only Northern Colony to which the Europeans re- 
sort, and the Quit rents less. Governor Cosby sent home the 
proposals last Summer under the Seal of the Province, and under 
his and the Council's hands, but it did not reach Dublin till the 
last day of March; had it come there two months sooner I am 
assured by a letter which I lately received, directed to Governor 
Cosby, that we should have had two ships belonging to this place 
(then lying there) loaded with people but next year we hope to 

*" Documentary and Colonial History of New York," Vol. VII, p. 630.. 
Should 1763 be read for 1764? 


have many both from thence and Germany. When the Mohocks 
Country is settled we shall have nothing to fear from Canada."* 

The same, writing to the Lords of Trade, under date of New 
York, June 15, 1739, says: 

"The lands whereon the French propose to settle were pur- 
chased from Indian proprietors (who have all along been sub- 
ject to and under the protection of the Crown of England) by one 
Godfrey Dellius and granted to him by patent under the seal of 
this province in the year 1696, which grant was afterwards resumed 
by act of Assembly whereby they became vested in the Crown; 
on part of these lands I proposed to settle some Scotch Highland 
familys who came hither last year, and they would have been now 
actually settled there, if the Assembly would have assisted them, 
for they are poor and want help ; however as I have promised them 
lands gratis, some of them about three weeks ago went to view 
that part of the Country, and if they like the lands I hope they 
will accept my offer (if the report of the French designs do not 
discourage them:) depending upon the voluntary assistance of 
the people of Albany whose more immediate interest it is to en- 
courage their settlement in that part of the country."! 

That Captain Campbell would have secured the lands there 
can be no question had he complied with Governor Clarke's de- 
mands, although said demands were contrary to the agreement. 
Private faith and public honor demanded the fair execution of the 
project, which had been so expensive to the undertaker, and 
would have added greatly to the benefit of the colony. The gov- 
ernor would not make the grant unless he should have his fees 
and a share of the land. 

The quit rent in the province of New York was fixed at two 
shillings six pence for every one hundred acres. The fees for a 
grant of a thousand acres were as follows : To the governor, 
$31.25; secretary of state, $10; clerk of the council, $10 to $15; 
receiver general, $14.37; attorney general, $7.50; making a total 
of about $75, besides the cost of survey. This amount does not 
appear to be large for the number of acres, yet it must be consid- 
ered that land was plenty, but money very scarce. There were 
thousands of substantial men who would have found it exceed- 
ingly difficult to raise the amount in question. 

*Ibid, p. 72. \Ibid, Vol. VI, p. 145. 


It is possible that Captain Campbell could not have paid this 
extortion even if he had been so disposed; but being high-spirit- 
ed, he resolutely refused his consent. The governor, still pre- 
tending to be very anxious to aid the emigrants, recommended 
the legislature of the province to grant them assistance; but, as 
usual, the latter was at war with the governor, and refused to 
vote money to the Highlanders, which they suspected, with good 
reason, the latter would he required to pay to the colonial officers 

for fees. 

Not yet discouraged, Captain Campbell determined to ex- 
haust every resource that justice might he done to him. I lis next 
step was to appeal to the legislature for redress, hut it was in 
vain; then he made an application to the Board of Trade, in Eng- 
land, which had the power to rectify the wrong, Here he had so 
main difficulties to contend with that he was forced to leave the 
colonists to themselves, who soon after separated. But all his 
efforts proved abortive. 

The petition of Lieutenant Donald Uunphell, though COUrte 
ously expressed, ami eminently just, was rejected. It was claim- 
ed that the orders oi the English government positively forhade 

the granting of over a thousand acres to any one person ; yet that 

thousand acres was denied him. 

The injustice accorded to Captain Campbell was more or less 
notorious throughout the province, It was generally felt there 
had been had treatment, and there was now a disposition on the 
part oi the colonial authorities to give some relief to his sons and 

daughters. Accordingly, on November [i, [763, a grant of ten 

thousand acres, in the present township of Greenwich, Washing- 
ton county, New York, was made to the three brothers, Donald, 

George and lames, their three sisters and four other persons, 
three oi w horn were also named Campbell. 

The final success of the Campbell family in obtaining redress 

inspired others who had belonged to the colony to petition for a 
similar recompense for their hardships and losses. Iney suc- 
ceeded in obtaining a errant of forty-seven thousand, four hun- 
dred and fifty acres, located m the present township oi Ar^vle, 


and a small part of Fort Edward and Greenwich, in the same 

On March 2, 1764, Alexander McNaughton and one hundred 
and six others of the original Campbell emigrants and their de- 
scendants, petitioned for one thousand acres to be granted to each 
of them 

"To be laid out in a single tract between the head of South 
bay and Kingsbury, and reaching east towards New Hampshire 
and westwardly to the mountains in Warren county. The com- 
mittee of the council to whom this petition was referred reported 
May 21, 1764, that the tract proposed be granted, which was 
adopted, the council specifying the amount of land each individual 
of the petitioners should receive, making two hundred acres the 
least and six hundred the most that anyone should obtain. Five 
men were appointed as trustees, to divide and distribute the land 
as directed. The same instrument incorporated the tract into a 
township, to be called Argyle, and should have a supervisor, 
treasurer, collector, two assessors, two overseers of highways, two 
overseers of the poor and six constables, to be elected annually 
by the inhabitants on the first day of May. The patent, simi- 
lar to all others of that period, was subject to the following con- 
ditions : 

An annual quit rent of two shillings and six pence sterling 
on every one hundred acres, and all mines of gold and silver, and 
all pine trees suitable for masts for the royal navy, namely, all 
which were twenty-four inches from the ground, reserved to the 

The land thus granted lies in the central part of Washington 
county, with a broken surface in the west and great elevations 
and ridges in the east. The soil is rich and the whole well wat- 

The trustees were vested with the power to execute title deeds 
to such of the grantees, should they claim the lands, the first of 
which were issued during the winter and spring of 1764-5 by Dun- 
can Reid, of the city of New York, gentleman; Peter Middleton, 
of same city, physician; Archibald Campbell, of same city, mer- 
chant; Alexander McNaughton, f of Orange county, farmer; and 
Neil Gillaspie, of Ulster county, farmer, oi the one part, and the 
grantees of the other part. 

*On record in library at Albany in " Patents," Vol. IV, pp. 8-17. tSee 
Appendix, Note I. 


While the application for the grant was yet pending, the pe- 
titioners greatly exalted over their future prospects, evolved a 
grand scheme for the survey of the prospective lands, which should 
include a stately street from the banks of the Hudson river on 
the east through the tract, upon which each family should have 
a town lot, where he might not only enjoy the protection of near 
neighbors, but also have that companionship of which the High- 
lander is so particularly fond. In the rear of these town lots were 
to be the farms, which in time were to be occupied by tenants. The 
surveyors, Archibald Campbell, of Raritan, New Jersey, and 
Christopher Yates, of Schenectady, who began their labors June 
19, 1764, were instructed to lay off the land as planned, the street 
to extend from east to west, twenty-four rods wide and extending 
through the width of the grant as near the center as practicable, 
and to set aside a glebe lot for the benefit of the school master and 
the minister. North and south of the street, and bordering on 
it. the surveyors laid off lots running back one hundred and eighty 
rods, varying in width so as to contain from twenty to sixty acres. 
These lots were numbered, making in all one hundred and forty- 
one, seventy-two being on the south side of the street, and the re- 
mainder on the north. The farms were also numbered, also mak- 
ing one hundred and forty-one. 

In the plan no allowance had been made for the rugged na- 
ture of the country, and consequently the magnificent street was 
located over hills whose proportions prevented its use as a public 
highway, while some of the lots were uninhabitable. 

The following is a list of the grantees, the number of the lot 
and its contents being set opposite the name : 

Lot. Name. Acres. Lot. Name. Acres. 

1. Catharine Campbell.. . .250 10. Mary Anderson 300 

2. Elizabeth Cargill 250 11. Archibald McNeil 300 

3. Allan McDonald 300 12. Dougall McAIpine 300 

4. Neil Gillaspie 450 13. David Lindsey 250 

5. Mary Campbell 350 14. Elizabeth Campbell. . . .300 

6. Duncan McKerwan. . . .350 15. Ann McDuffie 350 

7. Ann McAnthony 250 16. Donald McDougall 300 

8. Mary McGowne 300 17. Archibald McGowne. . .300 

9. Catherine McLean 300 18. Eleanor Thompson. . . .300 


Lot. Name. Acres. 

19. Duncan McDuffie 350 

20. Duncan Reid 600 

21. John McDuffie 250 

22. Dougall McKallor 550 

23. Daniel Johnson 350 

24. Archibald Campbell.. . .250 

25. William Hunter 300 

26. Duncan Campbell 300 

27. Elizabeth Fraser 200 

28. Alexander Campbell. . .350 
Glebe lot 500 

29. Daniel Clark 350 

43. Elizabeth Campbell. . . .300 

Lot. Name. Acres. 

44. Duncan McArthur 450 

45. John Torrey 300 

46. Malcolm Campbell 300 

47. Florence McKenzie. . . .200 

48. John McKenzie 300 

49. Jane Cargill 250 

50. John McGowan 300 

59. John McEwen 500 

60. John McDonald 300 

61. James McDonald 400 

62. Mary Belton 300 

72. Rachael Nevin 300 

73. James Cargill 400 

Lots 29, 43, 44, 50, and 62 are partly in the present limits of 
the township of Greenwich, and the other lots, from 29 to 73, not 
above enumerated, are wholly in that township and in Salem. The 
following lots are located north of the street : 

Lot. Name. Acres. 

74. John Cargill 300 

75. Duncan McDougall.. .300 

76. Alexander Christie. . .350 
yy. Alex. Montgomery ... 600 

78. Marian Campbell 250 

79. John Gilchrist 300 

80. Agnes McDougall 300 

81. Duncan McGuire 500 

82. Edward McKallor 500 

83. Alexander Gilchrist. .. 300 

84. Archibald McCullom..350 

85. Archibald McCore 300 

86. John McCarter 350 

87. Neil Shaw 600 

88. Duncan Campbell 300 

89. Roger McNeil 300 

90. Elizabeth Ray 200 

91. James Nutt 300 

92. Donald McDuffie 350 

93. George Campbell 300 

94. Jane Widrow 300 

95. John McDougall 400 

96. Archibald McCarter. .300 

Lot. Name. Acres. 

97. Charles McAllister. . .300 

98. William Graham 300 

99. Hugh McDougall 300 

100. James Campbell 300 

101. George McKenzie. . . .400 

102. John McCarter 400 

103. Morgan McNeil 250 

104. Malcolm McDuffie 550 

105. Florence McVarick. . .300 

106. Archibald McEwen. . .300 

107. Neil McDonald 500 

108. James Gillis 500 

109. Archibald McDougall. .450 

no. Marian McEwen 200 

in. Patrick McArthur 350 

T12. John McGowne, Jr.. . .250 

113. John Shaw, Sr 300 

114. Angus Graham 300 

115. Edward McCoy 300 

116. Duncan Campbell, Jr. .300 

117. Jenette Ferguson 250 

118. Hugh McEloroy 200 

119. Dougall Thompson ... 400 



1 20. 


Name. Acres. 

Mary Graham 300 

Robert McAlpine 300 

Duncan Taylor 600 

Elizabeth Caldwell.. . .250 

William Clark 350 

William Clark 350 

Barbara McAllister. . .300 

Lot. Name. Acres. 

126. Mary Anderson 300 

127. Donald McMullin 450 

130. John Shaw, Sr 300 

1.3 1. Duncan Lindsey 300 

132. Donald Shaw 

133. John Campbell 300 

Each of the foregoing had a "street lot," with a correspond- 
ing number, as before mentioned, which contained one-tenth of the 
area of the farm lots; that is, a lot of two hundred acres had a 
"street lot" of twenty acres, and so on. 

Ten lots comprehended between Nos. 127 and 146 are now 
within the township of Fort Edward. The number of these lots 
and the persons to whom granted were as follows, varying in area 
from 250 to 500 acres : 

Lot 128, Duncan Shaw; 129, Alex. McDougall; 134, John 
McArthur; 135,- John Mclntyre; 136, Catharine Mcllfender; 
137, Mary Hammel; 138, Duncan Gilchrist; 139, John Mcln- 
tyre; 140, Mary McLeod; 141, David Torrey. 

The lots originally belonging to Argyle township, but now 
forming a part of Greenwich, were numbered and allotted as 
follows : 
Lot. Name. Acres. Lot. Name. Acres. 

30. Angus McDougall 300 67. Catharine McCarter. . . .250 

Donald Mclntyre 350 68. Margaret Gilchrist 250 

Alexander McNachten..6oo 42. John McGuire 400 



John McCore 300 

William Fraser 350 

Mary Campbell 250 

36. Duncan Campbell, Sr..45o 

37. Neil McFadden 300 

38. Mary Torry 250 

39. Margaret McAllister. . .250 

40. Robert Campbell, Jr.. . .450 

41. Catharine Shaw 250 

51. Charles McArthur 350 

52. Duncan McFadden .... 300 

53. Roger Reed 300 

54. John McCarter 300 

65. Hugh Montgomery. . . .300 

66. Isabella Livingston. . . .250 

43. Elizabeth McNeil 200 

44. Duncan McArthur 450 

29. Daniel Clark 250 

50. John McGowan, Sr . . . . 300 

55. Ann Campbell 300 

56. Archibald McCullom.. .350 

57. Alexander McArthur. .250 

58. Alex. McDonald 250 

59. John McEwen 500 

62. Mary Baine 300 

63. Margaret Cargyle 300 

64. Neil McEachern 450 

69. Hannah McEwen 400 

70. John Reid 450 

71. Archibald Nevin 350 


Many of the grantees immediately took possession of the 
lands alloted to them ; but others never took advantage of their 
claims, which, for a time, were left unoccupied, and then passed 
into the hands of others, who generally were left in undisputed 
possession. This state of affairs, in connection with the large 
size of the lots, had the effect of retarding the growth of that 

Before the arrival of the settlers, a desperado, named Rogers, 
had taken possession of a part of the lands on the Batten Kill. 
He warned the people off, making various threats ; but the High- 
landers knowing their titles were perfect, disregarded the menace, 
and set about industriously clearing up their lands and erecting 
their houses. One day, when Archibald Livingston was away, 
his wife was forcibly carried off by Rogers, and set down outside 
the limits of the claim, who also proceeded to remove the furni- 
ture from the premises. He was arrested by Roger Reid, the 
constable, and brought before Alexander McNaughton, the jus- 
tice, which constituted the first civil process ever served in that 
county. Rogers did not submit peaceably to be taken, but de- 
fended himself with a gun, which Joseph McCracken seized, and 
in his endeavor to wrest it from the hands of the ruffian, he burst 
the buttons from off the waist-bands of his pantaloons, which, as 
he did not wear suspenders, slipped over his feet. The little son 
of Rogers, fully taking in the situation, ran up and bit Mc- 
Cracken, which, however, did not cause him to desist from his 
purpose. Rogers was conveyed to Albany, after which all trace 
of him has been lost. 

The township of Argyle", embracing what is now both Argyle 
and Fort Edward, was organized in 1771. The record of the first 
meeting bears date April 2, 1771, and was called for the purpose 
of regulating laws and choosing officers. It was called by virtue 
of the grant in the Argyle patent. The officers elected were: 
supervisor, Duncan Campbell, who continued until 1781, and was 
then succeeded by Roger Reid; town clerk, Archibald Brown, 
succeeded in 1775 by Edward Patterson, who, in turn, was suc- 
ceeded in 1778 by John McNeil, and he by Duncan Gilchrist, in 
1780; collector, Roger Reid, succeeded in 1778 by Duncan Mc- 


Arthur, and the latter in 1781 by Alexander Gilchrist; assessors, 
Archibald Campbell and Neal Shaw; constables, John Offery, 
John McNiel; poor-masters, James Gilles, Archibald McNiel; 
road-masters, Duncan Lindsey, Archibald Campbell; fence view- 
ers, Duncan McArthur, John Gilchrist. 

The following extracts from township records are not with- 
out interest : 

1772. — "All men from sixteen to sixty years old to work on 
the roads this year. Fences must be four feet and a half high." 

1776. — '"Duncan Reid is to be constable for the south part of 
the patent and Alexander Gillis for the north part; George Kil- 
more and James Beatty for masters. John Johnson was chosen 
a justice of the peace." 

1781. — "Alexander McDougall and Duncan Lindsey were 
elected tithing men." 

In order to make the laws more efficient, on March 12, 1772, 
the county of Charlotte was struck off from Albany, which was 
the actual beginning of the present county of Washington. As 
Charlotte county had been named for the consort of George III. 
and as his troops had devastated it during the Revolution, the 
title was not an agreeable one, so the state legislature on April 
2, 1784, changed it to Washington, thus giving it the most hon- 
ored appellation known in the annals of American history. 

For several years after 1764 the colony on the east, and m 
what is now Hebron township, was augmented by a number of 
discharged Highland soldiers, mostly of the 77th Regiment, who 
settled on both sides of the line of the township. It is a noticeable 
fact that in every case these settlers were Scotch Highlanders. 
They had in all probability been attracted to this spot partly by 
the settlement of the colony of Captain Lachlan Campbell, and 
partly by that of the Scotch-Irish at New Perth (Salem), which 
has been noted already in its proper connection. These addi- 
tional settlers took up their claims, owing to a proclamation made 
by the king, in Octob'er, 1763, offering land in America, without 
fees, to all such officers and soldiers who had served on that con- 
tinent, and who desired to establish their homes there. 

Nothing shows more clearly than this proclamation the lofty 
position of an officer in the British service at that time as com- 


pared with a private. A field officer received four thousand 
acres; a captain three thousand; a lieutenant, or other subaltern 
commissioned officer, two thousand; a non-commissioned officer, 
whether sergeant or corporal, dropped to two hundred acres, 
while the poor private was put off with fifty acres. Fifty acres of 
wild land, on the hill-sides of Washington County, was not an 
extravagant reward for seven years' service amidst all the 
dangers and horrors of French and Indian warfare. 

Many of these grants were sold by the soldiers to their coun- 
trymen. Their method of exchange was very simple. The cor- 
poral and private would meet by the roadside, or at a neighboring 
ale-house, and after greeting each other, the American land 
would immediately be the subject for barter. The private, who 
may be called Sandy, knew his fifty acres was not worth the sea- 
voyage, while Corporal Donald, having already two hundred, 
might find it profitable to emigrate, provided he could add other 
tracts. After the preliminaries and the haggling had been gone 
through with, Donald would draw out his long leather purse and 
count down the amount, saying : 

"There, mon; there's your siller." 

The worthy Sandy would then dive into some hidden recess 
of his garments and bring forth his parchment, signed in the 
name of the king by "Henry Moore, baronet, our captain-general 
and governor-in-chief, in and over our province of New York, 
and the lands depending thereon, in America, chancellor and 
vice-admiral of the same." This docviment would be promptly 
handed to the purchaser, with the declaration, 

"An' there's your land, corporal." 

Many of the soldiers never claimed their lands, which were 
eventually settled by squatters, some of whom remained thereon 
so long that they or their heirs became the lawful owners. 

The famous controversy concerning the "New Hampshire 
grants," affected the Highland settlers; but the more exciting 
events of the wrangle took place outside the limits of Washington 
county, and consequently the Highland settlement. This con- 
troversy, which was carried on with acrimonious and warlike 
contention, arose over New York's officials' claim to the pos- 


session of all the land north of the Massachusetts line lying west 
of the Connecticut river. In 1751 both the governors of New 
York and New Hampshire presented their respective claims to the 
territory in dispute to the Lords of Trade in London. The 
matter was finally adjusted in 1782, by New York yielding her 

In 177 1 there were riots near the southern boundary of 
Hebron township, which commenced by the forcible expulsion of 
Donald Mclntire and others from their lands, perpetrated by 
Robert Cochran and his associates. On October 29th, same year, 
another serious riot took place. A warrant was issued for the 
offenders by Alexander McNaughton, justice of the peace, resid- 
ing in Argyle. Charles Hutchison, formerly a corporal in 
Montgomery's Highlanders, testified that Ethan Allen (after- 
wards famous), and eight others, on the above date, came to his 
residence, situated four miles north of New Perth, and began to 
demolish it. Hutchison requested them to stop, but they declared 
that they would make a burnt offering to the gods of this world 
by burning the logs of that house. Allen and another man held 
clubs over Hutchison's head, ordered him to leave the locality, 
and declared that, in case he returned, he should be worse treated. 
Eight or nine other families were driven from their homes, in 
that locality, at the same time, all of whom fled to New Perth, 
where they were hospitably received. The lands held by these 
exiled families had been wholly improved by themselves. They 
were driven out by Allen and his associates because they were de- 
termined that no one should build under a New York title east 
of the line they had established as the western boundary. 

Bold Ethan Allen was neither to be arrested nor intimidated 
by a constable's warrant. Governor Tryon of New York offered 
twenty pounds reward for the arrest of the rioters, which was as 
inefficient as esquire McNaughton's warrant. 

The county of Washington was largely settled by people 
from the New England states. The breaking out of the Revolu- 
tionary War found these people loyal to the cause of the patriots. 
The Highland settlements were somewhat divided, but the greater 
part allied themselves with the cause of their adopted country. 


Those who espoused the cause of the king, on account of the 
atrocities committed by the Indians, were forced to flee, and never 
returned save in marauding bands. There were a few, however, 
who kept very quiet, and were allowed to remain unmolested. 

There were no distinctive Highland companies either in the 
British or Continental service from this settlement. A company 
of royalists was secretly formed at Fort Edwards, under David 
Jones (remembered only as being the betrothed of the lovely but 
unfortunate Jane McCrea), and these joined the British forces. 
There were five companies from the county that formed the regi- 
ment under Colonel Williams, one of which was commanded by 
Captain Charles Hutchison, the Highland corporal whom Ethan 
Allen had mobbed in 177 1. In this company of fifty-two men it 
may be reasonably supposed that the greater number were the 
sons of the emigrants of Captain Lauchlan Campbell. 

The committee of Charlotte county, in September 21, I775> 
recommended to the Provincial Congress, that the following 
named persons, living in Argyle, should be thus commissioned: 
Alexander Campbell, captain; Samuel Pain, first lieutenant; 
Peter Gilchrist, second lieutenant ; and John McDougall, ensign. 

Captain Joseph McCracken, on the arrival of Burgoyne, built 
a fort at New Perth, which was finished on July 26th, and callecl 
Salem Fort. 

Donald, son of Captain Lauchlan Campbell, espoused the 
cause of the people, but his two brothers sided with the British. 
Soon after all these passed out of the district, and their where- 
abouts became unknown. 

The bitter feelings engendered by the war was also felt in 
the Highland settlement, as may be instanced in the following 
circumstance preserved by S. D. W. Bloodgood:* 

"When Burgoyne found that his boats were not safe, and 
were in fact much nearer the main body of our army than his own, 
it became necessary to land his provisions, of which he had 
already been short for many weeks, in order to prevent his being 
actually starved into submission. This was done under a heavy 
fire from our troops. On one of these occasions a person by 

*The Sexagenary, p. 110. 


name of Mr. , well known at Salem, and a foreigner by birth, 

and who had at the very time a son in the British army, crossed 
the river at De Ruyter's, with a person by name of McNeil ; they 
went in a canoe, and arriving opposite to the place intended, 
crossed over to the western bank, on which a redoubt called Fort 
Lawrence had been placed. They crawled up the bank with their 
arms in their hands, and peeping over the upper edge, they saw 
a man in a blanket coat loading a cart. They instantly raised 
their guns to fire, an action more savage than commendable. At 
the moment the man turned so as to be more plainly seen, when 

old M said to his companion, 'Now that's my own son 

Hughy; but I'm dom'd for a' that if I sill not gie him a shot.' 
He then actually fired at his own son, as the person really proved 
to be, but happily without effect. Having heard the noise made 
by their conversation and the cocking of the pieces, which the 
nearness of his position rendered perfectly practicable, he ran 
round the cart, and the ball lodged in the felly of the wheel. The 
report drew the attention of the neighboring guards, and the two 
marauders were driven from their lurking place. While retreat- 
ing with all possible speed, McNeil was wounded in the shoulder, 
and, if alive, carries the wound about with him to this day. Had 
the ball struck the old Scotchman, it is questionable whether any 
one would have considered it more than even handed justice com- 
mending the chalice to his own lips." 

A map of Washington County would show that it was on the 
war path that led to some terrible conflicts related in American 
history. Occupying a part of the territory between the Hudson 
and the northern lakes, it had borne the feet of warlike Hurons, 
Iroquois, Canadians, New Yorkers, New Englanders, French, 
English, Continentals and Hessians, who proceeded in their mis- 
sion of destruction and vengeance. As the district occupied by 
the Highlanders was close to the line of Burgoyne's march, it 
experienced the realities of war and the tomahawk of the mer- 
ciless savage. How terrible was the work of the ruthless savage, 
and how shocking the fate of those in his pathway, has been 
graphically related by Arthur Reid, a native of the township of 
Argyle, who received the account from an aunt, who was fully 
cognizant of all the facts. The following is a condensed account : 

During the latter part of the summer of 1777, a scouting 
party of Indians, consisting of eight, received either a real or sup- 
posed injury from some white persons at New Perth (now 


Salem), for which they sought revenge. While prowling around 
the temporary fort, they were observed and fired upon, and one of 
their number killed. In the presence of a prisoner, a white man,* 
the remaining seven declared their purpose to sacrifice the first 
white family that should come in their way. This party belonged 
to a large body of Indians which had been assembled by General 
Burgoyne, the British commander, then encamped not far distant 
in a northerly direction from Crown Point. In order to inspire 
the Indians with courage General Burgoyne considered it expedi- 
ent, in compliance with their custom, to give them a war-feast, at 
which they indulged in the most extravagant manoeuvres, ges- 
ticulations, and exulting vociferations, such as lying in ambush, 
and displaying their rude armored devices, and dancing, and 
whooping, and screaming, and brandishing their tomahawks and 
scalping knives. 

The particular band, above mentioned, was in command of 
an Iroquois chief, who, from his bloodthirsty nature, was called 
Le Loup, the wolf, — bold, fiercely revengeful, and well adapted 
to lead a party bent on committing atrocities. Le Loup and his 
band left New Perth en route to the place where the van of Bur- 
goyne's army was encamped. The family of Duncan McArthur, 
consisting of himself, wife and four children, lived on the direct 
route. Approaching the clearing upon which the dwelling stood, 
the Indians halted in order to make preparations for their fiendish 
design. Every precaution was taken, even to enhancing their 
naturally ferocious appearance by painting their faces, necks and 
shoulders with a thick coat of vermilion. The party next moved 
forward with stealthy steps to the very edge of the forest, where 
again they halted in order to mature the final plan of attack. 

Fortunately for the McArthur family, on that day, two 
neighbors had come for the purpose of assisting in the breaking 
of a horse, and, when the Indians saw them, and also the three 

*Samuel Standish, who was present at the time of the murder of Jane 
McCrea, and afterwards gave the account to Jared Sparks, who 
records it in his " Life of Arnold." See " Library of American 
Biography," Vol. Ill, Chap. VII. 


buildings, which they mistook for residences, they became dis- 
concerted. They decided as there were three men present, and the 
same number of houses, there must also be three families. 

The Indians withdrew exasperated, but none the less de- 
termined to seek vengeance. With elastic step, and in single file 
they pressed forward, and an hour later came to another clearing, 
in the midst of which stood a dwelling, occupied by the family of 
John Allen, consisting of five persons, viz., himself and wife and 
three children. Temporarily with them at the time were Mrs. 
Allen's sister, two negroes and a negress. John Allen was notor- 
iously in sympathy with the purposes of the British king. When 
the Indians steathily crept to the edge of the clearing they ob- 
served the white men busily engaged reaping the wheat harvest. 
They decided to wait until the reapers retired for dinner. Their 
white prisoner begged to be spared from witnessing the scene 
about to be enacted. This request was finally granted, and one of 
the Indians remained with him as a guard, while the others went 
forward to execute their purpose. 

When the family had become seated at the table the Indians 
burst upon them with a fearful yell. When the neighbors came 
they found the body of John Allen a few rods from the house. 
Apparently he had escaped through a back door, but had been 
overtaken and shot down. Nearer the house, but in the same di- 
rection, were the bodies of Mrs. Allen, her sister, and the young- 
est child, all tomahawked and scalped. The other two children 
were found hidden in a bed, but also tomahawked and scalped. 
One of the negroes was found in the doorway, his body gashed 
and mutilated in a horrible manner. From the wounds inflicted 
on his body it was thought he had made a desperate resistance. 
The position of the remaining two has not been distinctly recol- 

George Kilmore, father of Mrs. Allen and owner of the 
negroes, who lived three miles distant, becoming anxious on ac- 
count of the prolonged absence of his daughter and servants, on 
the Sunday following, sent a negro boy on an errand of inquiry. 
As the boy approached the house, the keen-scented horse, which 
he was riding, stopped and refused to go farther. After much 


difficulty he was urged forward until his rider got a view of the 
awful scene. The news brought by the boy spread rapidly, and 
the terror-stricken families fled to various points for protection, 
many of whom went to Fort Edward. After Burgoyne had been 
hemmed in, the families cautiously returned to their former 

From Friday afternoon, July 25th, until Sunday morning fol- 
lowing, the whereabouts of Le Loup and his band cannot be de- 
termined. But on that morning they made their appearance on 
the brow of the hill north of Fort Edward, and then and there a 
shocking tragedy was enacted, which thoroughly aroused the peo- 
ple, and formed quite an element in the overthrow and surrender 
of Burgoyne's army. It was the massacre of Miss Jane McCrea, 
a lovely, amiable and intelligent lady. This tragedy at once drew 
the attention of all America. She fell under the blow of the sav- 
age Le Loup, and the next instant he flung down his gun, seized 
her long, luxuriant hair with one hand, with the other passed the 
scalping knife around nearly the whole head, and, with a yell of 
triumph, tore the beautiful but ghastly trophy from his victim's 

It is a work of superogation to say that the Highland settlers 
of Argyle were strongly imbued with religious sentiments. That 
question has already been fully commented on. The colony early 
manifested its disposition to build churches where they might 
worship. The first of these houses were humble in their preten- 
sions, but fully in keeping with a pioneer settlement in the wilder- 
ness. Their faith was the same as that promulgated by the 
Scotch-Irish in the adjoining neighborhood, and were visited 
by the pastor of the older settlement. They do not appear to have 
sustained a regular pastor until after the Peace of 1783. 



Sir William Johnson thoroughly gained the good graces of 
the Iroquois Indians, and by the part he took against the French 
at Crown Point and Lake George, in 1755, added to his reputa- 
tion at home and abroad. For his services to the Crown he was 
made a baronet and voted £5000 by the British parliament, besides 
being paid £6oo per annum as Indian agent, which he retained 
until his death in 1774. He also received a grant of one hundred 
thousand acres of land north of the Mohawk. In 1743 he built 
Fort Johnson, a stone dwelling, on the same side of the river, in 
what is now Montgomery county. A few miles farther north, in 
1764, he built Johnson Hall, a wooden structure, and there enter- 
tained his Indian bands and white tenants, with rude magnifi- 
cence, surrounded by his mistresses, both white and red. He had 
dreams of feudal power, and set about to realize it. The land 
granted to him by the king, he had previously secured from the 
Mohawks, over whom he had gained an influence greater than that 
ever possessed heretofore or since by a white man over an Indian 
tribe. The tract of land thus gained was long known as "Kings- 
land," or the "Royal Grant." The king had bound Sir William to 
him by a feudal tenure of a yearly rental of two shillings and six 
pence for each and every one hundred acres. In the same manner 
Sir William bound to himself his tenants to whom he granted 
leases. In order to secure the greatest obedience he deemed it 
necessary to secure such tenants as differed from the people near 
him in manners, language, and religion, and that class trained to 
whom the strictest personal dependence was perfectly familiar. In 
all this he was highly favored. He turned his eyes to the High- 
lands of Scotland, and without trouble, owing to the dissatisfied 
condition of the people and their desire to emigrate, he secured as 


many colonists as he desired, all of whom were of the Roman 
Catholic faith. The agents having secured the requisite number, 
embarked, during the month of August, 1773, for America. 

A journal of the period states that "three gentlemen of the 
name of Macdonell, with their families, and 400 Highlanders from 
the counties (!) of Glengarry, Glenmorison, Urquhart, and 
Strathglass lately embarked for America, having obtained a grant 
of land in Albany/'* 

This extract appears to have been copied from the Courant 
of August 28th, which stated they had "lately embarked for 
America." This would place their arrival on the Mohawk some 
time during the latter part of the following September, or first of 
October. The three gentlemen above referred to were Macdonell 
of Aberchalder, Leek, and Collachie, and also another, Macdonell 
of Scotas. Their fortunes had been shattered in "the 45," and in 
order to mend them were willing to settle in America. They made 
their homes in what was then Tryon county, about thirty miles 
from Albany, then called Kingsborough, where now is the thriv- 
ing town of Gloversville. To certain families tracts were allotted 
varying from one hundred to five hundred acres, all subjected to 
the feudal system. 

Having reached the places assigned them the Highlanders 
first felled the trees and made their rude huts of logs. Then the 
forest was cleared and the crops planted amid the stumps. The 
country was rough, but the people did not murmur. Their wants 
were few and simple. The grain they reaped was carried on 
horseback along Indian trails to the landlord's mills. Their 
women became accustomed to severe outdoor employment, but 
they possessed an indomitable spirit, and bore their hardships 
bravely, as became their race. The quiet life of the people prom- 
ised to become permanent. They became deeply attached to' the 
interests of Sir William Johnson, who, by consummate tact soon 
gained a mastery over them. He would have them assemble at 
Johnson Hall that they might make merry; encourage them in 
Highland games, and invite them to Indian councils. Their meth- 

*Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 30, 1773. 


ods of farming were improved under his supervision; superior 
breeds of stock sought for, and fruit trees planted. But Sir Wil- 
liam, in reality, was not with them long; for, in the autumn of 
1773, he visited England, returning in the succeeding spring, and 
dying suddenly at Johnson Hall on June 24th, following. 

Troubles were rising beneath all the peaceful circumstances 
enjoyed by the Highlanders, destined to become severe and op- 
pressive under the attitude of Johnson's son and son-in-law who 
were men of far less ability and tact than their father. The spirit 
of democracy penetrated the valley of the Mohawk, and open 
threats of opposition began to be heard. The Acts of the Albany 
Congress of 1774 opened the eyes of the people to the possibilities 
of strength by united efforts. Just as the spirit of independence 
reached bold utterance Sir William died. He was succeeded in 
his title, and a part of his estates by his son John. The dreams of 
Sir William vanished, and his plans failed in the hands of his 
weak, arrogant, degenerate son. Sir John hesitated, temporized, 
broke his parole, fled to Canada, returned to ravage the lands of 
his countrymen, and ended by being driven across the border. 

The death of Sir William made Sir John commandant of the 
militia of the Province of New York. Colonel Guy Johnson be- 
came superintendent of Indian affairs, with Colonel Daniel Claus, 
Sir William's son-in-law, for assistant. The notorious Thayen- 
danegea (Joseph Brant) became secretary to Guy Johnson. 
Nothing but evil could be predicated of such a combination ; and 
Sir John was not slow to take advantage of his position, when the 
war cloud was ready to burst. As early as March 1,6, 1775, de- 
cisive action was taken, when the grand jury, judges, justices, and 
others of Tryon county, to the number of thirty-three, among 
whom was Sir John, signed a document, expressive of their disap- 
probation of the act of the people of Boston for the "outrageous 
and unjustifiable act on the private property of the India Com- 
pany," and of their resolution "to bear faith and true allegiance to 
their lawful Sovereign King George the Third."* It is a notice- 
able feature that not one of the names of Highlanders appears on 

*Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. II. p. 151. 


the paper. This would indicate that they were not a factor in the 

civil government of the county. 

On May 18, 1775, the Committee of Palatine District, Tryon 

county, addressed the Albany Committee of Safety, in which they 

affirm : 

"This County has, for a series of years, been ruled by one 
family, the different branches of which are still strenuous in dis- 
suading people from coming into Congressional measures, and 
even have, last week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk Dis- 
trict, appeared with all their dependants armed to oppose the peo- 
ple considering of their grievances ; their number being so large, 
and the people unarmed, struck terror into most of them, and they 
dispersed. We are informed that Johnson-Hall is fortifying by 
placing a parcel of swivel-guns round the same, and that Colonel 
Johnson has had parts of his regiment of Militia under arms yes- 
terday, no doubt with a design to prevent the friends of liberty 
from publishing their attachment to the cause to the world. Be- 
sides which we are told that about one hundred and fifty High- 
landers, (Roman Catholicks) in and about Johnstown, are armed 
and ready to march upon the like occasion."* 

In order to allay the feelings engendered against them Guy 
Johnson, on May 18th, wrote to the Committee of Schenectady 
declaring "my duty is to promote peace, "f and on the 20th to the 
Magistrates of Palatine, making the covert threat "that if the In- 
dians find their council fire disturbed, and their superintendent in- 
sulted, they will take a dreadful revenge. J The last letter 
thoroughly aroused the Committee of Tryon county, and on the 
2 1st stated, among other things: 

"That Colonel Johnson's conduct in raising fortifications 
round his house, keeping a number of Indians and armed men 
constantly about him," and stopping and searching travelers upon 
the King's highway, and stopping our communication with Al- 
bany, is very alarming to this County, and is highly arbitrary, il- 
legal, oppressive, and unwarrantable; and confirms us in our 
fears, that his design is to keep us in awe, and oblige us to submit 
to a state of Slavery." || 

On the 23rd the Albany Committee warned Guy Johnson 

that his interference with the rights of travelers would no longer 

*Ibid t p. 637. Mbid, p. 638. \Ibid, p. 661. \\Ibid, p. 665. 


be tolerated.* So flagrant had been the conduct of the John- 
sons that a sub-committee of the city and county of Albany ad- 
dressed a communication on the subject to the Provincial Con- 
gress of New York.f On June 2nd the Tryon County Committee 
addressed Guy Johnson, in which they affirm "it is no more our 
duty than inclination to protect you in the discharge of your 
province," but will not "pass over in silence the interruption which 
the people of the Mohawk District met in their meeting," "and the 
inhuman treatment of a man whose only crime was being faithful 
to his employers."^ The tension became still more strained be- 
tween the Johnsons and patriots during the summer. 

The Dutch and German population was chiefly in sympathy 
with the cause of America, as were the people generally, in that 
region, who did not come under the direct influence of the John- 
sons. The inhabitants deposed Alexander White, the Sheriff" of 
Tryon county, who had, from the first, made himself obnoxious. 
The first shot, in the war west of the Hudson, was fired by Alex- 
ander White. On some trifling pretext he arrested a patriot by 
the name of John Fonda, and committed him to prison. His 
friends, to the number of fifty, went to the jail and released him; 
and from the prison they proceeded to the sheriff's lodgings and 
demanded his surrender. He discharged a pistol at the leader, 
but without effect. Immediately some forty muskets were dis- 
charged at the sheriff, with the effect only to cause a slight wound 
in the breast. The doors of the house were broken open, and just 
then Sir John Johnson fired a gun at the hall, which was the sig- 
nal for his retainers and Highland partisans to rally in arms. As 
they could muster a force of five hundred men in a short time, the 
party deemed it prudent to disperse. || 

The royalists became more open and bolder in their course, 
throwing every impediment in -the way of the Safety Committee of 
Tryon county, and causing embarrassments in every way their 
ingenuity could devise. They called public meetings themselves, 
as well as to interfere with those of their neighbors ; all of which 

*Ibid, p. 672. \Ibid, p. 712. \Ibid, p. 880. ||Stone's Life of Brant, 
Vol. I, p. 106. 


caused mutual exasperation, and the engendering of hostile feel- 
ings between friends, who now ranged themselves with the op- 
posing parties. 

On October 26th the Tryon County Committee submitted a 
series of questions for Sir John Johnson to answer.* These ques- 
tions, with Sir John's answers, were embodied by the Committee 
in a letter to the Provincial Congress of New York, under date of 
October 28th, as follows : 

"As we found our duty and particular reasons to inquire or 
rather desire Sir John Johnson's absolute opinion and intention of 
the three following articles, viz : 

1. Whether he would allow that his tenants may form them- 
selves into Companies, according to the regulations of our Conti- 
nental Congress, to the defence of our Country's cause; 

2. Whether he would be willing himself also to assist per- 
sonally in the same purpose; 

3. Whether he pretendeth a prerogative to our County 
Court-House and Jail, and would hinder or interrupt the Com- 
mittee of our County to make use of the said publick houses for 
our want and service in our common cause ; 

We have, therefore, from our meeting held yesterday, sent 
three members of our Committee with the afore-mentioned ques- 
tions contained in a letter to him directed, and received of Sir 
John, thereupon, the following answer : 

1. That he thinks our requests very unreasonable, as he 
never had denied the use of either Court-House or Jail to any- 
body, nor would yet deny it for the use which these houses have 
been built for; but he looks upon the Court-House and Jail at 
Johnstown to be his property till he is paid seven hundred Pounds 
— which being out of his pocket for the building of the same. 

2. In regard of embodying his tenants into Companies, he 
never did forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use their 
pleasure ; but we might save ourselves that trouble, he being sure 
they would not. 

3. Concerning himself he declared, that before he would 
sign any association, or would lift his hand up against his King, 
he would rather suffer that his head shall be cut off. Further, he 
replied, that if we would make any unlawful use of the Jail, he 
would oppose it; and also mentions that there have many unfair 
means been used for signing the Association, and uniting the peo- 

*Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. III. p. 1194. 


pie; for he was informed by credible gentlemen in New-York, that 
they were obliged to unite, otherwise they could not live there. 
And that he was also informed, by good authority, that likewise 
two-thirds of the Canajoharie and German Flatts people have been 
forced to sign; and, by his opinion, the Boston people are open 
rebels, and the other Colonies have joined them. 

Our Deputies replied to his expressions of forcing the people 
to sign in our County; that his authority spared the truth, and 
it appears by itself rediculous that one-third should have forced 
two-thirds to sign. On the contrary, they would prove that it was 
offered to any one, after signing, that the regretters could any 
time have their names crossed, upon their requests. 

We thought proper to refer these particular inimical declar- 
ations to your House, and would be very glad to get your opinion 
and advice, for our further directions. Please, also, to remember 
what we mentioned to you in our former letters, of the inimical 
and provoking behaviour of the tenants of said Sir John, which 
they still continue, under the authority of said Sir John."* 

The attitude of Sir John had become such that the Continental 
Congress deemed it best, on December 30th to order General 
Schuyler "to take the most speedy and effective measures for 
securing the said Arms and Military Stores, and for disarming the 
said Tories, and apprehending their chiefs." f The action of Con- 
gress was none too hasty ; for in a letter from Governor William 
Tryon of New York to the earl of Dartmouth, under date of Jan- 
uary 5, 1776, he encloses the following addressed to himself: 

"Sir: I hope the occasion and intention of this letter will 
plead my excuse for the liberty I take in introducing to your Ex- 
cellency the bearer hereof Captain Allen McDonell who will in- 
form you of many particulars that cannot at this time with safety 
be committed to writing. The distracted & convulsed State this 
unhappy country is now worked up to, and the situation that I 
am in here, together with the many Obligations our family owe to 
the best of Sovereigns induces me to fall upon a plan that may I 
hope be of service to my country, the propriety of which I en- 
tirely submit to Your Excellency's better judgment, depending 
on that friendship which you have been pleased to honour me with 
for your advice on and Representation to his Majesty of what we 
propose. Having consulted with all my friends in this quarter, 
among- whom are many old and good Officers, most of whom have 

*Ibid, p. 1245. \Ibid, p. 1963. 


a good deal of interests in their respective neighborhoods, and 
have now a great number of men ready to compleat the plan — We 
must however not think of stirring till we have a support, & sup- 
ply of money, necessaries to enable us to carry our design into 
execution, all of which Mr. McDonell who will inform you of 
everything that has been done in Canada that has come to our 
knowledge. As I find by the papers you are soon to sail for Eng- 
land I despair of having the pleasure to pay my respect to you but 
most sincerely wish you an Agreeable Voyage and a happy sight 
of Your family & friends. I am. 

Your Excellency's most obedient 

humble Servant, 

John Johnson."* 

General Schuyler immediately took active steps to carry out 

the orders of Congress, and on January 23, 1776, made a very 

lengthy and detailed report to that body.f Although he had no 

troops to carry into execution the orders of Congress, he asked for 

seven hundred militia, yet by the time he reached Caughnawaga, 

there were nearly three thousand men, including the Tryon county 

militia. Arriving at Schenectady, he addressed, on January 16th, 

a letter to Sir John Johnson, requesting him to meet him on the 

next day, promising safe conduct for him and such person as 

might attend him. They met at the time appointed sixteen miles 

beyond Schenectady, Sir John being accompanied by some of the 

leading Highlanders and two or three others, to whom General 

Schuyler delivered his terms. After some difficulty, in which the 

Mohawk Indians figured as peacemakers, Sir John Johnson and 

Allan McDonell (Collachie) signed a paper agreeing "upon his 

word and honor immediately deliver up all cannon, arms, and 

other military stores, of what kind soever, which may be in his 

own possession," or that he may have delivered to others, or that 

he knows to be concealed ; that "having given his parole of honour 

not to take up arms against America," "he consents not to go to 

the westward of the German-Flats and Kingsland (Highlanders') 

District," but to every other part to the southward he expects the 

privilege of going; agreed that the Highlanders shall, "without 

*Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII, p. 651. 
tAm. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. IV, pp. 818-829. 



any kind of exception, immediately deliver up all arms in their 
possession, of what kind soever," and from among them any six 
prisoners may be taken, but the same must be maintained agree- 
able to their respective rank. 

On Friday the 19th General Schulyer marched to Johnstown, 
and in the afternoon the arms and military stores in Sir John's 
possession were delivered up. On the next day, at noon, General 
Schuyler drew his men up in the street, "and the Highlanders, be- 
tween two and three hundred, marched to the front, where they 
grounded their arms ;" when they were dismissed "with an exhor- 
tation, pointing out the only conduct which could insure them 
protection." On the 21st, at Cagnuage, General Schuyler wrote 
to Sir John as follows : 

Johnson Hall. 

"Although it is a well known fact that all the Scotch (High- 
landers) people that yesterday surrendered arms, had not broad- 
swords when they came to the country, yet many of them had, and 
most of them were possessed of dirks ; and as none have been given 
up of either, I will charitably believe that it was rather inattention 
than a wilful omission. Whether it was the former or the latter 
must be ascertained by their immediate compliance with that part 
of the treaty which requires that all arms, of what kind soever, 
shall be delivered up. 

After having been informed by you, at our first interview, 
that the Scotch people meant to defend thmselves, I was not a lit- 
tle surprised that no ammunition was delivered up; and that you 
had none to furnish them with. These observations were immed- 


iately made by others as well as me. I was too apprehensive of 
the consequences which might have been fatal to those people, to 
take notice of it on the spot. I shall, however, expect an eclair- 
cissement on this subject, and beg that you and Mr.McDonell will 
give it me as soon as may be." 

Governor Tryon reported to the earl of Dartmouth, February 
7th, that General Schuyler "marched to Johnson Hall the 24th of 
last month, where Sr John had mustered near Six hundred men, 
from his Tenants and neighbours, the majority highlanders, after 
disarming them and taking four pieces of artillery, ammunition 
and many Prisoners, with 360 Guineas from Sr John's Desk, they 
compelled him to enter into a Bond in 1600 pound Sterling not to 
aid the King's Service, or to remove within a limited district from 
his house."* 

The six of the chiefs of the Highland clan of the Mc- 
Donells made prisoners were, Allan McDonell, sen. (Collachie), 
Allan McDonell, Jur., Alexander McDonell, Ronald McDonell, 
Archibald McDonell, and John McDonell, all of whom were sent 
to Reading, Pennsyvania, with their three servants, and later to 
Lancaster, f 

Had Sir John obeyed his parole, it would have saved him hit. 
vast estates, the Highlanders their homes, the effusion of blood, 
and the savage cruelty which his leadership engendered. Being 
incapable of forecasting the future, he broke his parole of honor, 
plunged headlong into the conflict, and dragged his followers into 
the horrors of war. General Schuyler wrote him, March 12, 1776, 
stating that the evidence had been placed in his hands that he had 
been exciting the Indians to hostility, and promising to defer tak- 
ing steps until a more minute inquiry could be made he begged 
Sir John "to be present when it was made," which would be on 
the following Monday. 

Sir John's actions were such that it became necessary to use 
stringent measures. General Schuyler, on May 14th, issued his in- 
structions to Colonel Elias Dayton, who was to proceed to Johns- 
town, "and give notice to the Highlanders, who live in the vicinity 
of the town, to repair to it; and when any number are collected 

*Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII, p. 663. 
tSee Appendix, Note J. 


there, you will send off their baggage, infirm women and children, 
in wagons." Sir John was to be taken prisoner, carefully guarded 
and brought to Albany, but ''he is by no means to experience the 
least ill-treatment in his own person, or those of his family."* 
General Schuyler had previously written (May ioth) to Sir John 
intimating that he had "acted contrary to the sacred engagements 
you lay under to me, and through me to the publick," and have 
"ordered you a close prisoner, and sent down to Albany." f The 
reason assigned for the removal of the Highlanders as stated by 
General Schuyler to Sir John was that "the elder Mr. McDonald 
(Allan of Collachie), a chief of that part of the clan of his name 
now in Tryon County, has applied to Congress that those people 
with their families may be moved from thence and subsisted."^ 
To this Sir John replied as follows : 

"Johnson Hall, May 18, 1776. 
Sir: On mv return from Fort Hunter yesterday, I received 
your letter by express acquainting me that the elder Mr. McDon- 
ald had desired to have all the clan of his name in the County of 
Tryon, removed and subsisted. I know none of that clan but 
such as are my tenants, and have been, for near two years sup- 
ported by me with every necessary, by which means they have 
contracted a debt of near two thousand pounds, which they are in 
a likely way to discharge, if left in peace. As they are under no 
obligations to Mr. McDonald, they refuse to comply witn his ex- 
traordinary request ; therefore beg there may be no troops sent to 
conduct them to Albany, otherwise they will look upon it as a total 
breach of the treaty agreed to at Johnstown. Mrs. McDonald 
showed me a letter from her husband, written since he applied to 
the Congress for leave to return to their families, in which he 
mentions that he was told by the Congress that it depended en- 
tirely upon you ; he then desired that their families might be 
brought down to them, but never mentioned anything with regard 
to moving my tenants from hence, as matters he had no right to 
treat of. Mrs. McDonald requested that I would inform you that 
neither herself nor any of the other families would choose to go 

I am, sir, your very humble servant, 

John Johnson." || 

*Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 447. flbtd, p. 643. \Ibid, 
p. 642. \\Ibid, p. 644. 


Colonel Dayton arrived at Johnstown May 19th, and as he 
says, in his report to General John Sullivan, he immediately sent 
"a letter to Sir John Johnson, informing him that I had arrived 
with a body of troops to guard the Highlanders to Albany, and 
desired that he would fix a time for their assembling. When these 
gentlemen came to Johnson Hall they were informed by Lady 
Johnson that Sir John Johnson had received General Schuyler's 
letter by the express; that he had consulted the Highlanders 
upon the contents, and that they had unanimously resolved not to 
deliver themselves as prisoners, but to go another way, and that 
Sir John Johnson had determined to go with them. She added 
that, that if they were pursued they were determined to make an 
opposition, and had it in their power, in some measure."* 

The approach of Colonel Dayton's command caused great 
commotion among the inhabitans of Johnstown and vicinity. Sir 
John determined to decamp, take with him as many followers as 
possible, and travel through the woods to Canada. Lieutenant 
James Gray, of the 42nd Highlanders, helped to raise the faithful 
bodyguard, and all having assembled at the house of Allen Mc- 
Donell of Collachie started through the woods. The party con- 
sisted of three Indians from an adjacent village to serve as guides, 
one hundred and thirty Highlanders, and one hundred and twenty 
others.f The appearance of Colonel Dayton was more sudden 
than Sir John anticipated. Having but a brief period for their 
preparation, the party was but illy prepared for their flight. He 
did not know whether or not the royalists were in possession of 
Lake Champlain, therefore the fugitives did not dare to venture 
on that route to Montreal; so they were obliged to strike deeper 
into the forests between the headwaters of the Hudson and the St. 
Lawrence. Their provisions soon were exhausted ; their feet soon 
became sore from the rough travelling; and several were left in 
the wilderness to be picked up and brought in by the Indians who 
were afterwards sent out for that purpose. After nineteen days 
of great hardships the party arrived in Montreal in a pitiable con- 

*Ibid, p. 511. t Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. 
VIII, p. 683. 


dition, having endured as much suffering as seemed possible for 
human nature to undergo. 

Sir John Johnson and his Highlanders, unwittingly, paid the 
nighest possible compliment to the kindness and good intentions 
of the patriots, when they deserted their families and left them to 
face the foe. When the flight was brought to the attention of 
General Schuyler, he wrote to Colonel Dayton, May 27, in which 
he says : 

"1 am favored with a letter from Mr. Caldwell, in which he 
suggests the propriety of suffering such Highlanders to remain 
at their habitations as have not fled. I enter fully into his idea; 
but prudence dictates that this should be done under certain re- 
strictions. These people have been taught to consider us in poli- 
ticks in the same light that Papists consider Protestants in a relig- 
ious relation, viz : that no faith is to be kept with either. I do not, 
therefore, think it prudent to suffer any of the men to remain, un- 
less a competent number of hostages are given, at least five out of 
a hundred, on condition of being put to death if those that re- 
main should take up arms, or in any wise assist the enemies of our 
country. A small body of troops * * may keep them in awe ; 
but if an equal body of the enemy should appear, the balance as 
to numbers, by the junction of those left, would be against us. I 
am, however, so well aware of the absurdity of judging with pre- 
cision in these matters at the distance we are from one another, 
that prudence obliges me to leave these matters to your judgment, 
to act as circumstances may occur."* 

Lady Johnson, wife of Sir John, was taken to Albany and 
there held as a hostage until the following December when she 
was permitted to go to New York, then in the hands of the 
British. Nothing is related of any of the Highlanders being taken 
at that time to Albany, but appear to have been left in peaceable 
possession of their lands. 

As might have been, and perhaps was, anticipated, the High- 
land settlement became the source of information and the base of 
supplies for the enemy. Spies and messengers came and went, 
finding there a welcome reception. The trail leading from there 
and along the Sacandaga and through the Adirondack woods, 

*Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI. p. 647. 


soon became a beaten oath from its constant use. The Highland 
women gave unstintingly of their supplies, and opened their 
houses as places of retreat. Here were planned the swift attacks 
upon the unwary settlers farther to the south and west. Agents 
of the king were active everywhere, and the Highland homes be- 
came one of the resting places for refugees on their way to Can- 
ada. This state of affairs could not be concealed from the Amer- 
icans, who, none too soon, came to view the whole neighborhood 
as a nest of treason. Military force could not be employed against 
women and children (for from time to time nearly all the men 
had left), but they could be removed where they would do but 
little harm. General Schuyler discussed the matter with General 
Herkimer and the Tryon County Committee, when it was decided 
to remove of those who remained "to the number of four hun- 
dred." A movement of this description could not be kept a 
secret, especially when the troops were put in motion. In March, 
1777, General Schuyler had permitted both Alexander and John 
MacDonald to visit their families. Taking the alarm, on the ap- 
proach of the troops, in May, they ran off to Canada, taking with 
them the residue of the Highlanders, together with a few of the 
German neighbors. The journey was a very long and tedious 
one, and very painful for the aged, the women, and the children. 
They were used to hardships and bore their sufferings without 
complaint. It was an exodus of a people, whose very existence 
was almost forgotten, and on the very lands they cleared and cul- 
tivated there is not a single tradition concerning them. 

From papers still in existence, preserved in Series B, Vol. 
158, p. 351, of the Haldeman Papers, it would appear that some 
of the families, previous to the exodus, had been secured, as noted 
in the two following petitions, both written in either 1779 or 1780, 
date not given although first is simply dated "27111 July," and sec- 
ond endorsed "27th July" : 

"To His Excellency General Haldimand, General and Com- 
mander in Chief of all His Majesty's Forces in Canada and the 
Frontiers thereof, 

The memorial of John and Alexander Macdonell, Captains in 
the King's Royal Regiment of New York, humbly sheweth, 

That your Memorialist, John Macdonell's, family are at pres- 


ent detained by the rebels in the County of Tryon, within the 
Province of New York, destitute of every support but such as 
they may receive from the few friends to Government in said 
quarters, in which situation they have been since 1777. 

And your Memorialist, Alexander Macdonell, on behalf of 
his brother, Captain Allan Macdonell, of the Eighty-Fourth Reg- 
iment: that the family of his said brother have been detained by 
the Rebels in and about Albany since the year 1775, and that un- 
less it was for the assistance they have met with from Mr. James 
Ellice, of Schenectady, merchant, they must have perished. 

Your Memorialists therefore humbly pray Your Excellency 
will be graciously pleased to take the distressed situation of said 
families into consideration, and to grant that a flag be sent to de- 
mand them in exchange, or otherwise direct towards obtaining 
their releasement, as Your Excellency in your wisdom shall see 
fit, and your Memorialists will ever pray as in duty bound. 

John Macdonell, 
Alexander Macdonell." 

"To the Honourable Sir John Johnson, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Commander of the King's Royal Regiment of New York. 

The humbel petition of sundry soldiers of said Regiment 
sheweth, — 

That your humble petitioners, whose names are hereunto 
subscribed, have families in different places of the Counties of 
Albany and Tryon, who have been and are daily ill-treated by the 
enemies of Government. 

Therefore we do humbly pray that Your Honour would be 
pleased to procure permission for them to come' to Canada, 
And your petitioners will ever pray. 

John McGlenny, Thomas Ross, Alexander Cameron, Freder- 
ick Goose, Wm. Urchad (Urquhart?), Duncan Mclntire, Andrew 
Mileross, Donald McCarter, Allen Grant, Hugh Chisholm, Angus 
Grant, John McDonald, Alex. Ferguson, Thomas Taylor, William 
Cameron, George Murdoff, William Chession (Chisholm), John 
Christy, Daniel Campbell, Donald Ross, Donald Chissem, Roder- 
ick McDonald, Alexander Grant. 

The names and number of each familv intended in the writ- 


petition : — 

Name of Family 

Consisting of 



Duncan Mclntyre's 

Wife, Sister and Child 



John Christy's 

Wife and 3 Children 



George Mordoff's 

" and 6 



Daniel Campbell's 

" and 5 



Name of Family 

Consisting of 



Andrew Milross' 




William Urghad's 







Donald McCarter's 







Donald Ross' 







Allan Grant's 

t < 



< i 



William Chissim's 







Donald Chissim's 







Hugh Chissims 

i t 



i t 



Roderick McDonald's 

i i 



i t 



Angus Grant's 

1 i 



i i 



Alexander Grant's 




i t 



Donald Grant's 

i i 



i i 



John McDonald's 




John McGlenny's 




i i 



Alexander Ferguson's 







Thomas Ross' 




1 i 



Thomas Taylor's 







Alexander Cameron's 






2 3, 

William Cameron's 

i i 



i i 



Frederick Goose's 

i i 





Mrs. Helen MacDonell, wife of Allan, the chief, was appre- 
hended and sent to Schenectady ,and in 1780 managed to escape, 
and made her way to New York. Before she was taken, and while 
her husband was still a prisoner of war, she appears to have been 
the chief person who had charge of the settlement, after the men 
had fled with Sir John Johnson. A letter of hers has been pre- 
served, which is not only interesting, but throws some light on the 
action of the Highlanders. It is addressed to Major Jellis Fonda, 
at Caughnawaga. 

"Sir : Some time ago I wrote you a letter, much to this pur- 
pose, concerning the Inhabitants of this Bush being made prison- 
ers. There was no such thing then in agitation as you was pleased 
to observe in your letter to me this morning. Mr. Billie Laird 
came amongst the people to give them warning to go in to sign, 
and swear. To this they will never consent, being already prison- 
ers of General Schuyler. His Excellency was pleased by your 
proclamation, directing every one of them to return to their farms, 
and that they should be no more troubled nor molested during the 
war. To this they agreed, and have not done anything against the 
country, nor intend to, if let alone. If not, they will lose their 
lives before being taken prisoners again. They begged the favour 


of me to write to Major Fonda and the gentlemen of the commit- 
tee to this purpose. They blame neither the one nor the other of 
you gentlemen, but those ill-natured fellows amongst them that 
get up an excitement about nothing, in order to ingratiate them- 
selves in your favour. They were of very great hurt to your 
cause since May last, through violence and ignorance. I do not 
know what the consequences would have been to them long ago, if 
not prevented. Only think what daily provocation does. 

Jenny joins me in compliments to Mrs. Fonda. 

I am, Sir, 
Your humble servant, 

Callachie, 15th March, 1777. Helen McDonell."* 

Immediately on the arrival of Sir John Johnson in Montreal, 
with his party who fled from Johnstown, he was commissioned a 
Colonel in the British service. At once he set about to organize a 
regiment composed of those who had accompanied him, and other 
refugees who had followed their example. This regiment was 
called the "King's Royal Regiment of New York," but by Ameri- 
cans was known as "The Royal Greens," probably because the 
facings of their uniforms were of that color. In the formation of 
the regiment he was instructed that the officers of the corps were 
to be divided in such a manner as to assist those who were dis- 
tressed by the war; but there were to be no pluralities of officers, — 
a practice then common in the British army. 

In this regiment, Butler's Rangers, and the Eighty-Fourth, or 
Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment also then raised, the High- 
land gentlemen who had, in 1773, emigrated to Tryon county, re- 
ceived commissions, as well as those who had previously had 
joined the ranks. After the war proper returns of the officers 
were made, and from these the following tables have been ex- 
tracted. The number of private soldiers of the same name are in 

*Sir John Johnson's Orderly Book, p. LXXXII. 


" First Battalion King's 

Royal R 




Place of 





Alexander Macdonell. . . 


8 yrs. 

200 acres of land in fee 
simple, under Sir John 
Johnson, at yearly an- 
nual rent of £6 per 100. 




Ensign in 60th Regt., 8th 
July, 1760; Lieut, in 
do. Dec. 27, 1770; sold 
out on account of bad 
health, May 22, 1775. 
Had no lands. 


John Macdonell 



Had landed property, 500 
acres, purchased and 


began to improve in 

April, 1774. 


Archibald Macdonell.... 


8 yrs. 

Merchant; had no lands. 



8 yrs. 

Held 200 acres in fee 



simple, under Sir John, 
at £6 per 100 acres. 


Hugh Macdonell 



7 yrs. 

Son of Captain Macdonell 




3 yrs. 

Son of Captain John 

Second Battalion King's Royal Regiment of New York. 





James Macdonell. 

Ronald Macdonell. 

Place of 




8 yrs. 

3 yrs 


Held acres in fee sim- 
ple, under Sir John, at 
£6 per 100 acres. 




Corps of Butler's Rangers, Commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel 

John Butler. 



Place of 







9 yrs. 

Came to America with 


his father and other 
Highlanders in 1773, 

settled in Tryon Coun- 

ty, near Johnstown, in 

the Province of New 

York; entered His 

Majesty's Service as a 

Subaltern Officer, June 

14, 1775, in the 84th or 

Royal Highland Emi- 




Alexander Macdonell... . 



7 yrs. 

Came to America with 
his father and other 
Highland Emigrant- in 
1773, settled in Tryon 
County, near Johns- 
town, in the Province 
of New York; entered 
His Majesty's Service 
as a Volunteer hi the 
84th or Royal High- 


land Emigrants. 


Chichester Macdonell. . . 


6 yrs 

Came to America with 
his father and other 
Highland Emigrants in 
1773, and settled near 
Johnstown ; entered 
His Majesty's Service 
as a Volunteer in the 
King's Royal Regi- 
ment of New York in 
the year 1778. 

Eighty-Fourth or Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment. 



Place of 




Allan Macdonell 

Prisoner at Lancaster in 

Lieut. . . 

Ronald Macdonell 

40 yrs. 



Arch'd Macdonell. 

8 yrs 


Seventy-First Regiment. 



Place of 



Lieut. . . 

Angus Macdonell 


In the month of January, following his flight into Canada, 
Sir John Johnson found his way into the city of New York. From 
that time he became one of the most bitter and virulent foes of his 
countrymen engaged in the contest, and repeatedly became the 
scourge of his former neighbors — in all of which his Highland 
retainers bore a prominent part. In savage cruelty, together with 
Butler's Rangers, they outrivalled their Indian allies. The aged, 
the infirm, helpless women, and the innocent babe in the cradle, 
alike perished before them. In all this the MacDonells were 
among the foremost. Such warfare met the approval of the Brit- 
ish Cabinet, and officers felt no compunction in relating their 
achievements. Colonel Guy Johnson writing to lord George Ger- 
main, November n, 1779, not only speaks of the result of his con- 
ference with Sir John Johnson, but further remarks that "there 
appeared little prospect of effecting anything beyond harrassing 
the frontiers with detached partys/'f In all probability none of 
the official reports related the atrocities perpetrated under the di- 
rection of the minor officers. 

Although "The Royal Greens" were largely composed of the 
Mohawk Highlanders, and especially all who decamped from 
Johnstown with Sir John Johnson, and Butler's Rangers had a 
fair percentage of the same, it is not necessary to enter into a de- 
tailed account of their achievements, because neither was essen- 
tially Highlanders. Their movements were not always in a body, 
and the essential share borne by the Highlanders have not been 
recorded in the papers that have been preserved. Individual deeds 
have been narrated, some of which are here given. 

The Royal Greens and Butler's Rangers formed a part of the 
expedition under Colonel Barry St. Leger that was sent against 
Fort Schuvler in order to create a diversion in favor of General 

*MacdonelFs Sketches of Glengarry in Canada, p. 22. fDocumentary and 
Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII, p. 779. 


Burgoyne's army then on its march towards Albany. In order to 
relieve Fort Schuyler (Stanwix) General Herkimer with a force 
of eight hundred was dispatched and, on the way, met the army of 
St. Leger near Oriskany, August 6, 1777. On the 3rd St. Leger 
encamped before Fort Stanwix, his force numbering sixteen hun- 
dred, eight hundred of whom were Indians. Proper precautions 
were not taken by General Herkimer, while every advantage was 
enforced by his wary enemy. He fell into an ambuscade, and a 
desperate conflict ensued. During the conflict Colonel Butler at- 
tempted a ruse-de guerre, by sending, from the direction of the 
fort, a detachment of The Royal Greens, disguised as American 
troops, in expectation that they might be received as reenforce- 
ments from the garrison. They were first noticed by Lieutenant 
Jacob Sammons, who at once notified Captain Jacob Gardenier; 
but the quick eye of the latter had detected the ruse. The Greens 
continued to advance until hailed -bv Gardenier, at which moment 
one of his own men observing an acquaintance in the opposing 
ranks, and supposing them to be friends, ran to meet him, and 
presented his hand. The credulous fellow was dragged into their 
lines and notified that he was a prisoner. 

"He did not yield without a struggle; during which Garde- 
nier, watching the action and the result, sprang forward, and with 
a blow from his spear levelled the captor to the dust and liberated 
his man. Others of the foe instantly set upon him, of whom he 
slew the second and wounded the third. Three of the disguised 
Greens now sprang upon him, and one of his spurs becoming en- 
tangled in their clothes, he was thrown to the ground. Still, con- 
tending, however, with almost super-human strength, both of his 
thighs were transfixed to the earth by the bayonets of two of his 
assailants, while the third presented a bayonet to his breast, as if 
to thrust him through. Seizing the bayonet with his left hand, by 
a sudden wrench he brought its owner down upon himself, where 
he held him as a shield against the arms of the others, until one of 
his own men, Adam Miller, observing the struggle, flew to the 
rescue. As the assailants turned upon their new adversary, 
Gardenier rose upon his seat; and although his hand was severely 
lacerated by grasping the bayonet which had been drawn through 
it, he seized his spear lying by his side, and quick as lightning 
planted it to the barb in the side of the assailant with whom he 
had been clenched. The man fell and expired — proving to be 


Lieutenant McDonald, one of the loyalist officers from Tryon 

This was John McDonald, who had been held as a hostage by 
General Schuyler, and when permitted to return home, helped run 
off the remainder of the Highlanders to Canada, as previously 
noticed. June 19, 1777, he was appointed captain Lieutenant in 
The Royal Greens, f During the engagement thirty of The Royal 
Greens fell near the body of McDonald. The loss of Herkimer 
was two hundred killed, exclusive of the wounded and prisoners. 
The royalist loss was never given, but known to be heavy. The 
Indians lost nearly a hundred warriors among whom were 
sachems held in great favor. The Americans retained possession 
of the field owing to the sortie made by the garrison of Fort 
Schuyler on the camp of St. Leger. On the 22nd St. Leger re- 
ceiving alarming reports of the advance of General Arnold sud- 
denly decamped from before Fort Schuyler, leaving his baggage 
behind him. Indians, belonging to the expedition followed in the 
rear, tomahawking and scalping the stragglers; and when the 
army did not run fast enough, they accelerated the speed by giv- 
ing their war cries and fresh alarms, thus adding increased terror 
to the demoralized troops. Of all the men that Butler took with 
him, when he arrived in Quebec he could muster but fifty. The 
Royal Greens also showed their numbers greatly decimated. 

Among the prisoners taken by the Americans was Captain 
Angus McDonell of The Royal Greens. \ For greater security he 
was transferred to the southern portion of the State. On October 
1 2th following, at Kingston, he gave the following parole to the 
authorities : 

"I, Angus McDonell, lieutenant in the 60th or Royal Amer- 
ican regiment, now a prisoner to the United States of America and 
enlarged on my parole, do promise upon my word of honor that I 
will continue within one mile of the house of Jacobus Harden- 
burgh, and in the town of Hurley, in the county of Ulster; and 
that I will not do any act, matter or thing whatsoever against the 
interests of America; and further, that I will remove hereafter to 
such place as the governor of the state of New York or the presi- 

*Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, Vol. I, p. 238. tjohnson's Orderly Book, 
p. 57. *Ibid, p 59. 



dent of the Council of Safety of the said state shall direct, and that 
I will observe this my parole until released, exchanged or other- 
wise ordered. 

Angus McDonell." 
The following year Captain Angus McDonald and Allen Mc- 
Donald, ensign in the same company were transferred to Reading, 
Pennsylvania. The former was probably released or exchanged 
for he was with the regiment when it was disbanded at the close 

The Valley of Wyoming. 

of the War. What became of the latter is unknown. Probably 
neither of them were Sir John Johnson's tenants. 

The next movement of special importance relates to the mel- 
ancholy story of Wyoming, immortalized in verse by Thomas 
Campbell in his "Gertrude of Wyoming." Towards the close of 
June 1778 the British officers at Niagara determined to strike a 
blow at Wyoming, in Pennsylvania. For this purpose an expedi- 
tion of about three hundred white men under Colonel John 


Butler, together with about five hundred Indians, marched for 
the scene of action. Just what part the McDonells took in the 
Massacre of Wyoming is not known, nor is it positive any were 
present; but belonging to Butler's Rangers it is fair to assume 
that all such participated in those heartrending scenes which have 
been so often related. It was a terrible day and night for that 
lovely valley, and its beauty was suddenly changed into horror 
and desolation. The Massacre of Wyoming stands out in bold 
relief as one of the darkest pictures in the whole panorama of the 

While this scene was being enacted, active preparations were 
pushed by Alexander McDonald for a descent on the New York 
frontiers. It was the same Alexander who has been previously 
mentioned as having been permitted to return to the Johnstown 
settlement, and then assisted in helping the remaining Highland 
families escape to Canada. He'was a man of enterprise and activ- 
ity, and by his energy he collected three hundred royalists and In- 
dians and fell with great fury upon the frontiers, Houses were 
burned, and such of the people as fell into his hands were either 
killed or made prisoners. One example of the blood thirsty char- 
acter of this man is given by Sims, in his "Trappers of New 
York," as follows: 

"On the morning of October 25, 1781, a large body of the 
enemy under Maj. Ross, entered Johnstown with several pris- 
oners, and not a little plunder; among which was a number of 
human scalps taken the afternoon and night previous, in settle- 
ments in and adjoining the Mohawk valley; to which was added 
the scalp of Hugh McMonts, a constable, who was surprised and 
killed as they entered Johnstown. In the course of the day the 
troops from the garrisons near and militia from the surrounding 
country, rallied under the active and daring Willett, and gave the 
enemy battle on the Hall farm, in which the latter were finally de- 
feated with loss, and made good their retreat into Canada. Young 
Scarborough was then in the nine months' service, and while the 
action was going on, himself and one Crosset left the Johnstown 
fort, where they were on garrison duty, to join in the fight, less 
than two miles distant. Between the Hall and woods they soon 
found themselves engaged. Crosset after shooting down one or 
two, received a bullet through one hand, but winding a handker- 
chief around it he continued the fight under cover of a hemlock 


stump. He was shot down and killed there, and his companion 
surrounded and made prisoner by a party of Scotch (Highlanders) 
troops commanded by Captain McDonald. When Scarborough 
was captured, Capt. McDonald was not present, but the moment 
he saw him he ordered his men to shoot him down. Several re- 
fused; but three, shall I call them men? obeyed the dastardly 
order, and yet he possibly would have survived his wounds, had 
not the miscreant in authority cut him down with his own broad- 
sword. The sword was caught in its first descent, and the val- 
iant captain' drew it out, cutting the hand nearly in two."* 

This was the same McDonald who, in 1779, figured in the 
battle of the Chemung, together with Sir John and Guy Johnson 
and Walter N. Butler. 

Just what part the Mohawk Highlanders, if any, had in the 
Massacre of Cherry Valley on October 11, 1778, may not be 
known. The leaders were Walter N. Butler, son of Colonel John 
Butler, who was captain of a company of Rangers, and the mon- 
ster Brant. 

Owing to the frequent depredations made by the Indians, the 
Royal Greens, Butler's Rangers, and the independent company of 
Alexander McDonald, upon the frontiers, destroying the innocent 
and helpless as well as those who might be found in arms, Con- 
gress voted that an expedition should be sent into the Indian 
country. Washington detached a division from the army under 
General John Sullivan to lay waste that country. The instructions 
were obeyed, and Sullivan did not cease until he found no more to 
lay waste. The only resistance he met with that was of any mo- 
ment was on August 29, 1779, when the enemy hoping to ambus- 
cade the army of Sullivan, brought on the battle of Chemung, 
near the present site of Elmira. There were about three hun- 
dred royalists under Colonel John Butler and Captain Alexander 
McDonald, assisting Joseph Brant who commanded the Indians. 
The defeat was so overwhelming that the royalists and Indians, in 
a demoralized condition sought shelter under the walls of Fort 

The lower Mohawk Valley having experienced the calamities 
of border wars was yet to feel the full measures of suffering. On 

*Il>id, p. 56. 


Sunday, May 21, 1780, Sir John Johnson with some British troops, 
a detachment of Royal Greens, and about two hundred Indians 
and Tories, at dead of night fell unexpectedly on Johnstown, the 
home of his youth. Families were killed and scalped, the houses 
pillaged and then burned. Instances of daring and heroism in 
withstanding the invaders have been recorded. 

Sir John's next achievement was in the fall of the same year, 
when he descended with fire and sword into the rich settlements 
along the Schoharie. He was overtaken by the American force at 
Klock's Field and put to flight. 

Sir John Johnson with the Royal Greens, principally his for- 
mer tenants and retainers, appear to have been especially stimu- 
lated with hate against the people of their former homes who did 
not sympathize with their views. In the summer of 1781 another 
expedition was secretly planned against Johnstown, and executed 
with silent celerity. The expedition consisted of four companies 
of the Second battalion of Sir John's regiment of Royal Greens, 
Butler's Rangers and two hundred Indians, numbering in all 
about one thousand men, under the command of Major Ross. He 
was defeated at the battle of Johnstown on October 25th. The 
army of Major Ross, for four days in the wilderness, on their ad- 
vance had been living on only a half pound of horse flesh per man 
per day; yet they were so hotly pursued by the Americans that 
they were forced to trot off a distance of thirty miles before they 
stopped, — during a part of the distance they were compelled to 
sustain a running fight. They crossed Canada Creek late in the 
afternoon, where Walter N. Butler attempted to rally the men. 
He was shot through the head by an Oneida Indian, who was with 
the Americans. When Captain Butler fell his troops fled in the 
utmost confusion, and continued their flight through the night. 
Without food and even without blankets they had eighty miles to 
traverse through the dreary and pathless wilderness. 

On August 6, 1781, Donald McDonald, one of the Highland- 
ers who had fled from Johnstown, made an attempt upon Shell's 
Bush, about four miles north of the present village of Herkimer, 
at the head of sixty-six Indians and Tories. John Christian Shell 
had built a block-house of his own, which was large and substan- 


tial, and well calculated to withstand a seige. The first story had 
no windows, but furnished with loopholes which could be used to 
shoot through by muskets. The second story projected over the 
first, so that the garrison could fire upon an advancing enemy, or 
cast missies upon their heads. The owner had a family of six 
sons, the youngest two were twins, and only eight years old. Most 
of his neighbors had taken refuge in Fort Dayton; but this settler 
refused to leave his home. When Donald McDonald and his party 
arrived at Shell's Bush his brother with his sons were at work in 
the field; and the children, unfortunately were so widely separ- 
ated from their father, as to fall into the hands of the enemy. 

"Shell and his other boys succeeded in reaching their castle, 
and barricading the ponderous door. And then commenced the 
battle. The beseiged were well armed, and all behaved with ad- 
mirable bravery; but none more bravely than Shell's wife, who 
loaded the pieces as her husband and sons discharged them. The 
battle commenced at two o'clock, and continued until dark. Sev- 
eral attempts were made by McDonald to set fire to the castle, but 
without success; and his forces were repeatedly driven back by 
the galling fire they received. McDonald at length procured a 
crow-bar and attempted to force the door ; but while thus engaged 
he received a shot in the leg from Shell's Blunderbuss, which put 
him hors du combat. None of his men being sufficiently near at 
the moment to rescue him, Shell, quick as lightning, opened the 
door, and drew him within the walls a prisoner. The misfortune 
of Shell and his garrison was, that their ammunition began to run 
low ; but McDonald was very amply provided, and to save his own 
life, he surrendered his cartridges to the garrison to fire upon his 
comrades. Several of the enemy having been killed and others 
wounded, they now drew off for a respite. Shell and his troops, 
moreover, needed a little breathing time; and feeling assured that, 
so long as he had the commanding officer of the beseigers in his 
possession, the enemy would hardly attempt to burn the citadel, 
he ceased firing. He then went up stairs, and sang the hymn 
which was a favorite of Luther during the perils and afflictions of 
the Great Reformer in his controversies with the Pope. While 
thus engaged the enemy likewise ceased firing. But they soon 
after rallied again to the fight, and made a desperate effort to 
carry the fortress by assault. Rushing up to the walls, five of 
them thrust the muzzles of their guns through the loop-holes, but 
had no sooner done so, than Mrs. Shell, seizing an axe, by quick 
and well directed blows ruined everv musket thus thrust through 


the walls, by bending the barrels. A few more well-directed shots 
by Shell and his sons once more drove the assailants back. Shell 
thereupon ran up to the second story, just in the twilight, and 
calling out to his wife with a loud voice, informed her that Cap- 
tain Small was approaching from Fort Dayton with succors. In 
yet louder notes he then exclaimed — 'Captain Small march your 
company round upon this side of the house. Captain Getman, 
you had better wheel your men off to the left, and come up upon 
that side.' There were of course no troops approaching; but the 
directions of Shell were given with such precision, and such ap- 
parent earnestness and sincerity, that the stratagem succeeded, 
and the enemy immediately fled to the woods, taking away the 
twin-lads as prisoners. Setting the best provisions they had be- 
fore their reluctant guest, Shell and his family lost no time in re- 
pairing to Fort Dayton, which they reached in saftey — leaving 
McDonald in the quiet possession of the castle he had been striv- 
ing to capture in vain. Some two or three of McDonald's In- 
dians lingered about the premises to ascertain the fate of their 
leader; and finding that Shell and his family had evacuated the 
post, ventured in to visit him. Not being able to remove him, 
however, on taking themselves off, they charged their wounded 
leader to inform Shell, that if he would be kind to him, (McDon- 
ald,) they would take good care of his (Shell's) captive boys. Mc- 
Donald was the next day removed to the fort by Captain Small, 
where his leg was amputated ; but the blood could not be stanched, 
and he died within a few hours. The lads were carried away into 
Canada. The loss of the enemy on the ground was eleven killed 
and six wounded. The boys, who were rescued after the war, re- 
ported that they took twelve of their wounded away with them, 
nine of whom died before they arrived in Canada. McDonald 
wore a silver-mounted tomahawk, which was taken from him by 
Shell. It was marked by thirty scalp-notches, showing that few 
Indians could have been more industrious than himself in gather- 
ing that description of military trophies."* 

The close of the Revolution found the First Battalion of the 
King's Regiment of New York stationed at Isle aux Noix and 
Carleton Island with their wives and children to the number of 
one thousand four hundred and sixty-two. The following is a 
list of the officers of both Battalions at the close of the War : 

*Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, Vol. II, p. 164. 



" Return of the Officers of the late First Battalion, King's Royal 

Regiment of New York." 



Place of 



Former Situations and 


Sir John Johnson 



Succeeded his father, the late 



Sir Wm. Johnson, as a 

Com . . . 

Maj. Gen. of the Northern 


Dis. of the Prov. of New 
York; was in possession 
of nearly 200,000 acres of 
valuable land, lost in con- 
sequence of the rebellion. 

James Gray 


26 yrs. 

Ensign in Lord London's 
Regt., 1745; Lieut, and 

Capt. in ye 42nd till after 

taking the Havannah, at 

which time he sold out. 

Had some landed proper- 

ty, part of which is se- 

cured to his son, ye rem- 

nant lost in consequence 

of the rebellion. 



25 yrs. 

Ensign in 60th Regt. July 
8th, 1760; Lieut, in same 
regt., 27th Dec, 1770. 
Sold out on account of bad 
state of health, 22nd May, 
1775. Had no lands. 


John Munro 


8 yrs. 

Had considerable landed 

property, lost in conse- 

quence of ye Rebellion, 

and served in last war in 



Patrick Daly 


9 yrs. 

Lieut, in the 84th Regt. at 
the Siege of Quebec, 1775- 



Richard Duncan 


13 yrs. 

Five years Ensign in the 
55th Regiment. 

Sam'l. Anderson 


8 yrs. 

Had landed property, and 
served in last war in Amer- 


John McDonell 


8 yrs. 

Had landed property, 500 
acres, purchased and be- 
gan to improve in April, 


Alex McDonell 


8 yrs. 

200 acres of land in fee sim- 
ple, under Sir John John- 
son, Bart., ye annual rent 
of £6 per 100. 


Return of the Officers of the late First Battalion, King's Royal 
Regiment of New York," — Continued. 

















Ens. ... 


M'te .. 


Arch. McDonell 

Allan McDonell 

Mai. McMartin 

Peter Everett 

John Prentiss 

Hugh McDonell 

John F. Holland 

William Coffin 

Jacob Farrand 

William Claus 

Hugh Munro 

Joseph Anderson.. . . 

Thomas Smith 

John Connolly 

Jacob Glen 

Miles McDonell 

Eben'r Anderson . . . 

Duncan Cameron. . . 

John Mann 

Francis McCarthy. . 

John Valentine 

John Doty 

James Valentine. . . . 

Isaac Mann 

Charles Austin 

James Stewart 

Place of 









Ireland . 
Ireland . 



Ireland . . 



Ireland. . 
England . 






5 yrs 

3 yrs, 

7 yrs, 
7 yrs, 

6 yrs, 
6 yrs, 

4 yrs, 

2 yrs, 

3 yrs 

3 yrs 

6 yrs. 

14 yrs. 

8 yrs. 

28 yrs. 

24 yrs. 
8 yrs. 

4 yrs. 
8 yrs. 

22 yrs. 
14 yrs. 

Former Situations and 

Merchant. No lands. 

Held 200 acres of land under 
Sir John Johnson, at £6 
per 100. 

Held 100 acres of land under 
Sir John Johnson, at £6. 

Had some landed property. 

A volunteer at the Siege of 
Quebec, 1775-76. 

Son of Capt. McDonell. 

Son of Major Holland, Sur- 
veyor-General, Province 
of Quebec. 

Son of Mr. Coffin, merchant, 
late of Boston. 

Nephew to Major Gray. 

Son of Col. Claus, deputy 
agent Indian Affairs. 

Son of Capt. John Munro. 

Son of Capt. Sam'l. Ander- 

Son of Dr. Smith. 

Private Gentleman. 

Son of John Glen, Esq., of 
Schenectady. Had con- 
siderable landed property. 

Son of Capt. John McDonell. 

Son of Capt. Sam'l. Ander- 

In service last war preced- 
ing this one. 

Private Gentleman. 

Formerly Sergeant in the 
34th Regiment. 

18 years in 55th and 62nd 

Formerly minister of the 
Gospel at Schenectady. 

Son of Ens. John Valentine. 


14 years in hospital work. 

Surgeon's mate in the 42nd 
Regt. the war before last. 



"Return of the Officers of the Late Second Battalion, King's 
Royal Regiment of New York." 


Maj . 




Robert Leake. 

Place of 

England. 7 yrs 



Thos. Gummesell. 

Jacob Maurer. 

Capt... . 


Capt... . 
Capt... . 

Capt... . 

Capt... . 
Capt... . 



Wm. Morrison 

James McDonell . . . 

Geo. Singleton 

Wm.Redf'd Crawford 

— Byrns 


— McKenzie 

Patrick Langan. . . . 
Walter Sutherland. 

William McKay 

Neal Robertson. 
Henry Young.. . 
John Howard. . . 


8 yrs, 
28 yrs 

Former Situations and 

Scotland. 8 yrs 



Ireland. . 


Ireland. . 


Ireland. . 

8 yrs 

8 yrs 
8 yrs 

8 yrs 

7 yrs 

8 yrs 

7 yrs 
10 yrs. 

15 yrs 

8 yrs, 

8 yrs. 

13 yrs. 

Had some landed property, 
etc., lost in consequence 
of the rebellion. 

Formerly Merchant in New 

Served in ye army in the 
60th Regt., from 1756 to 
1763, afterwards in the 
Quarter-Master General's 

Was lieut., 19th June, 1776, 
in 1st Batt. ; Capt., 15th 
Nov., 1781, in the 2nd 

Held 200 acres of land in fee 
simple, under Sir John 
Johnson, at £6 per 100. 

Formerly merchant. 

Held lands under Sir John 

Held lands under Sir John 

Midshipman Royal Navy. 

Held lands under Sir John 

Private Gentleman. 

Soldier and non-commis- 
sioned officerin 26th Regt ; 
ensign, 17th Oct., 1779, in 
1st Batt., lieut., Nov., 1781, 
in 2nd Batt. 

7 years volunteer and ser- 
geant in 21st Regt. 



Farmer; served 6 years last 
war, from 1755 to 1761, as 
soldier and non-commis- 
sioned officer in 28th Regt. 


"Return of the Officers of the Late Second Battalion, King's 
Royal Regiment of New York," — Continued. 



Place of 




Former Situations and 



7 yrs. 



Phil. P. Lansingh. . . . 


4 yrs. 

High Sheriff, Chariot Coun- 


Hazelt'n Spencer 


7 yrs. 



Oliver Church 


7 yrs. 



William Fraser 


7 yrs. 




7 yrs. 


Alex. McKenzie.... 


4 yrs. 



Ron. McDonell 


3 yrs. 




3 yrs. 
3 yrs. 
3 yrs. 

Son of Gov. Hay at Detroit. 
Son of the late Capt. McKay. 
Private Gentleman. 


Samuel McKay 

Timothy Thompson. . 


Ireland. . 

3 yrs. 

2 yrs. 

Son of the late Capt. McKay. 
Nephew of the late Sir Wm. 



— Crawford 


4 yrs. 
3 yrs. 

Johnson, Bart. 

Son of Capt. Crawford. 

Missionary for the Mohawk 
Indians at Fort Hunter. 

7 years soldier and non-com- 
missioned officer in 34th 




10 yrs. 

Q. M . . . . 


7 yrs. 
3 yrs. 



R. Kerr 


Assistant Surgeon."* 

The officers and men of the First Battalion, with their fami- 
lies, settled in a body in the first five townships west of the boun- 
dary line of the Province of Quebec, being the present townships 
of Lancaster, Charlottenburgh, Cornwall, Osnabruck and Wil- 
liamsburgh ; while those of the Second Battalion went farther west 
to the Bay of Quinte, in the counties of Lennox and Prince Ed- 
ward. Each soldier received a certificate entitling him to land; 
of which the following is a copy : 

"His Majesty's Provincial Regiment, called the King's Royal 

*Macdonell's Sketches of Glengarry, p. 47. 


Regiment of New York, whereof Sir John Johnson, Knight and 
Baronet is Lieutenant-Colonel, Commandant. 

These are to certify that the Bearer hereof, Donald McDonell, 
soldier in Capt. Angus McDonell's Company, of the aforesaid 
Regiment, born in the Parish of Killmoneneoack, in the County of 
Inverness, aged thirty-five years, has served honestly and faith- 
fully in the said regiment Seven Years ; and in consequence of His 
Majesty's Order for Disbanding the said Regiment, he is hereby 
discharged, is entitled, by His Majesty's late Order, to the Por- 
tion of Land allotted to each soldier of His Provincial Corps, who 
wishes to become a Settler in this Province, He having first re- 
ceived all just demands of Pay, Cloathing, &c, from his entry 
into the said Regiment, to the Date of his Discharge, as appears 
from his Receipt on the back hereof. 

Given under my Hand and Seal at Arms, at Montreal, this 
twenty- fourth Day of December, 1783. 

John Johnson." 

"I, Donald McDonell, private soldier, do acknowledge that I 
have received all my Cloathing, Pay, Arrears of Pay, and all De- 
mands whatsoever, from the time of my Inlisting in the Regiment 
and Company mentioned on the other Side to this present Day 
of my Discharge, as witness my Hand this 24th day of December, 


Donald McDonell."* 

There appears to have been some difficulty in according to 
the men the amount of land each should possess, as may be in- 
ferred from the petition of Colonel John Butler on behalf of The 
Royal Greens and his corps of Rangers. The Order in Council, 
October 22 1788 allowed them the same as that allotted to the 
members of the Royal Highland Emigrants.! Ultimately each 
soldier received one hundred acres on the river front, besides two 
hundred at a remote distance. If married he was entitled to fifty 
acres more, an additional fifty for every child, Each child, on com 
ing of age, was entitled to a further grant of two hundred acres. 

It is not the purpose to follow these people into their future 
homes, for this would be later than the Peace of 1783. Let it suf- 
fice to say that their lands were divided by lot, and into the wil- 
derness they went, and there cleared the forests, erected their 
shanties out of round logs, to a height of eight feet, with 'a room 
not exceeding twenty by fifteen feet. 

* Ibid, p. 51. f See Appendix, Note K. 


These people were pre-eminently social and attached to the 
manners and customs of their fathers. In Scotland the people 
would gather in one of their huts during the long winter nights 
and listen to the tales of Ossian and Fingal. So also they would 
gather in their huts and listen to the best reciter of tales. Often 
the long nights would be turned into a recital of the sufferings 
they endured during their flight into Canada from Johnstown; 
and also of their privations during the long course of the war. It 
required no imagination to picture their hardships, nor was it 
necessary to indulge in exaggeration. Many of the women, 
through the wilderness, carried their children on their backs, the 
greater part of the distance, while the men were burdened with 
their arms and such goods as were deemed necessary. They en- 
dured perils by land and by water; and their food often consisted 
of the flesh of dogs and horses, and the roots of trees. Gradually 
some of these story tellers varied their tale, and, perhaps, believed 
in the glosses. 

A good story has gained extensive currency, and has been 
variously told, on Donald Grant. He was born at Crasky, Glen- 
moriston, Scotland, and was one of the heroes who sheltered 
prince Charles in the cave of Corombian, when wandering about, 
life in hand, after the battle of Culloden, before he succeeded in 
effecting his escape to the Outer Hebrides. Donald, with others, 
settled in Glengarry, a thousand acres having been allotted to him. 
This old warrior, having seen much service, knew well the country 
between Johnstown and Canada. He took charge of one of the 
parties of refugees in their journey from Schenectady to Canada. 
Donald lived to a good old age and was treated with much con- 
sideration by all, especially those whom he had led to their new 
homes. It was well known that he could spin a good story equal 
to the best. As years went on, the number of Donald's party 
rapidly increased, as he told it to open-mouthed listeners, con- 
stantly enlarging on the perils and hardships of the journey. A 
Highland officer, who had served in Canada for some years, was 
returning home ,and, passing through Glengarry, spent a few 
days with Alexander Macdonell, priest at St. Raphael's. Having 
expressed his desire to meet some of the veterans of the war, so 


that he might hear their tales and rehearse them in Scotland, that 
they might know how their kinsmen in Canada had fought and 
suffered for the Crown, the priest, amongst others, took him to see 
old Donald Grant. The opportunity was too good to be lost, and 
Donald told the general in Gaelic the whole story, omitting no de- 
tails ; giving an account of the number of men, women and chil- 
dren he had brought with him, their perils and their escapes, their 
hardships borne with heroic devotion ; how, when on the verge of 
starvation, they had boiled their moccassins and eaten them; 
how they had encountered the enemy, the wild beasts and Indians, 
beaten all off and landed the multitude safely in Glengarry. The 
General listened with respectful attention, and at the termination 
of the narrative, wishing to say something pleasant, observed : 
"Why, dear me, Donald, your exploits seem almost to have 
equalled even those of Moses himself when leading the children 
of Israel through the Wilderness from Egypt to the Land of 
Promise." Up jumped old Donald. "Moses," exclaimed the vet- 
eran with an unmistakable air of contempt, and adding a double 
expletive that need not here be repeated, "Compare me to Moses! 
Why, Moses took forty years in his vain attempts to lead his men 
over a much shorter distance, and through a mere trifling wilder- 
ness in comparison with mine, and he never did reach his desti- 
nation, and lost half his army in the Red Sea. I brought my peo- 
ple here without the loss of a single man." 

It has been noted that the Highlanders who settled on the 
Mohawk, on the lands of Sir William Johnson, were Roman 
Catholics. Sir William, nor his son and successor, Sir John John- 
son, took any steps to procure them a religious teacher in the prin- 
ciples of their faith. They were not so provided until after the 
Revolution, and then only when they were settled on the lands 
that had been allotted to them. In 1785, the people themselves- 
took the proper steps to secure such an one, — and one who was 
able to speak the Gaelic, for many of them were ignorant of the 
English language. In the month of September, 1786, the ship 
"McDonald," from Greenock, brought Reverend Alexander Mc- 
Donell, Scotus, with five hundred emigrants from Knoydart, who 
settled with their kinsfolk in Glengarry, Canada. 

The Glenaladale Highlanders of Prince Edward Island. 

Highlanders had penetrated into the wilds of Ontario, Nova 
Scotia and Prince Edward Island before they had formed any 
distinctive settlements of their own. Some of these belonged to 
the disbanded regiments, but the bulk had come into the country, 
either through the spirit of adventure, or else to better their con- 
dition, and establish homes that would be free from usurpation, 
oppression, and persecution. It cannot be said that any portion 
of Canada, at that period, was an inviting field. The Highland 
settlement that bears the honor of being the first in British North 
America is that on Prince Edward Island, on the north coast at 
the head of Tracadie Bay, almost due north of Charlottetown. 
This settlement was due to John Macdonald, Eighth of Glenala- 
dale, of the family of Clanranald. 

John Macdonald was but a child at the date of the battle of 
Culloden. When of sufficient age he was sent to Ratisbon, Ger- 
many, to be educated, where he went through a complete course 
in the branches of learning as taught in the seminary. Return- 
ing to his country he was considered to be one of the most finished 
and accomplished gentlemen of his generation. But events led 
him to change his prospects in life. In 1770 a violent persecu- 
tion against the Roman Catholics broke out in the island of South 
Uist. Alexander Macdonald, First of Boisdale, also of the house 
of Clanranald, abandoned the religion of his forbears, and like all 
new converts was over zealous for his new found faith, and at 
once attempted to compel all his tenants to follow his example. 
After many acts of oppression, he summoned all his tenants to 
hear a paper read to them in their native tongue, containing a re- 
nunciation of their religion, and a promise, under oath, never 
more to hold communication with a catholic priest. The altern- 


ative was to sign the paper or lose their lands and homes. At 
once the people unanimously decided to starve rather than submit. 
The next step of Boisdale was to take his gold headed cane and 
drive his tenants before him, like a flock of sheep, to the protest- 
ant church. Boisdale failed to realize that conditions had changed 
in the Highlands ; but, even if his methods had smacked of orig- 
inality, he would have been placed in a far better light. To at- 
tempt to imitate the example of another may win applause, but if 
defeated contempt is the lot. 

The history of Creideamh a bhata bhuidhe, or the religion of 
the yellow stick, is such an interesting episode in West Highland 
story as not to be out of place in this connection. Hector Mac- 
Lean, Fifth of Coll, who held the estates from 1559 to 1593, be- 
came convinced of the truths of the principles of the Reformation, 
and decided that his tenants should think likewise. He passed 
over to the island of Rum, and as his tenants came out of the 
Catholic church he held his cane straight out and said in Gaelic, — 
"Those who pass the stick to the Kirk are very good tenants, and 
those who go on the other side may go out of my island." This 
stick remained in the family until 1868, when it mysteriously dis- 
appeared. Mrs. Hamilton Dundas, daughter of Hugh, Fifteenth 
of Coll, in a letter dated March 26, 1898, describing the stick says, 

"There was the crest on the top and initials either H. McL. or L. 
McL. in very flourishing writing engraved on a band or oval be- 
low the top. It was a polished, yellow brown malacca stick, much 
taller than an ordinary walking stick. I seem to recollect that it 
had two gold rimmed eyelet holes for a cord and tassle." 

John Macdonald of Glenaladale, having heard of the pro- 
ceedings, went to visit the people, and was so touched by their pit- 
iable condition, that he formed the resolution of expatriating him- 
self, and going off at their head to America. He sold out his 
estates to his counsin Alexander Macdonald of Borrodale, and be- 
fore the close of 1771, he purchased a tract of forty thousand 
acres on St. John's Island (now Prince Edward Island), to which 
he took out about two hundred of his persecuted fellow catholics 
from South Uist, in the year 1772. 

Whatever may have been the trials endured by these people, 


what ship they sailed in, how the land was allotted, if at all given 
to the public, has not come under the author's observation. Cer- 
tain facts concerning - Glenaladale have been advertised. His first 
wife was Miss Gordon of Baldornie, and his second, Marjory 
Macdonald of Ghernish, and had issue, Donald who emigrated 
with him, William, drowned on the coast of Ireland, John, Roder- 
ick and Flora. He died in 1811, and was buried on the Island at 
the Scotch Fort. 

Glenaladale early took up arms against the colonists, and 
having raised a company from among his people, he became a 
Captain in the Royal Highland Emigrants, or 84th. That he was 
a man of energy and pluck will appear from the following daring 
enterprise. During the Revolution, an American man-of-war 
came to the coast of Nova Scotia, near a port where Glenaladale 
was on detachment duty, with a small portion of his men. A part 
of the crew of the warship having landed for the purpose of plun- 
dering the people, Glenaladale, with his handful of men, boarded 
the vessel, cut down those who had been left in charge, hoisted 
sail, and brought her as a prize triumphantly into the harbor of 
Halifax. He there got a reinforcement, marched back to his for- 
mer post, and took the whole crew, composed of Americans and 
French. As regards his miltary virtues and abilities Major John 
Small, of the 2nd Battalion of the Royal Highland Emigrants, to 
which he was attached, writing to the English government, said 
of him, — 

"The activity and unabating zeal of Captain John Macdon- 
ald of Glenaladale in bringing an excellent company into the field 
is his least recommendation, being acknowledged by all who know 
him to be one of the most accomplished men and best officers of 
his rank in his Majesty's service." 

Slight information may be gained of his connection with the 
Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment from the "Letter-Book" of 
Captain Alexander McDonald, of the same regiment. In em- 
bodying that regiment he was among the very earliest and read- 
iest. Just why he should have exhibited so much feeling against 
the Americans whose country he had never seen and who had 
never harmed him in the least , does not appear. Captain Mc- 


Donald, writing from Halifax, September I, 1775, to Colonel 
Allan MacLean, says, — 

"What Men that are on the Island of St. Johns (Prince Ed- 
ward's) are already Engaged with Glenaladall who is now here 
with me, also young Mcdonald, with whom he came, he will 
Write to you by this opportunity and from the Contents of his 
Letter I will Leave you to Judge what sort of a Man he is." 

By the same letter, "young Mcdonald" had been sent "to ye 
Island of St. John," unquestionably for the purpose of raising the' 
Highlanders. His great zeal is revealed in a letter from Captain 
Alexander McDonald to Major Small,. dated at Halifax. Novem- 
ber 15, 1775: 

"Mr. McDonald of Glenaladale staid behind at Newfound- 
land and by the Last accounts from him he and one Lt Fizgerald 
had Six and thirty men. I dont doubt by this time his having as 
many more, he is determined to make out his Number Cost what 
it will, and I hope you will make out a Commission in his brother 
Donald's name, * * * "poor Glenaladall I am afraid is Lost 
as there is no account of him since a small Schooner Arrived 
which brought an account of his having Six & thirty men then 
and if he should Not be Lost he is unavoidablv ruined in his 

The last reference is in a letter to Colonel Allan MacLean, 

dated at Halifax June 5, 1776: 

Glen a la Del is an Ornament to any Corps that he goes into 
and if the Regiment is not established it had been telling him 300 
Guineas that he had never heard of it. On Account of his Affairs 
upon the Island of St. John's and in Scotland where he was pre- 
paring to go to settle his Business when he received the Propos- 

The British government offered Glenaladale the governor- 
ship of Prince Edward Island, but owing to the oath of allegiance 
necessary at the time, he, being a catholic, was obliged to decline 
the office. 


Highland Settlement in Pictou, Nova Scotia. 

"What noble courage must their hearts have fired, 

How great the ardor which their souls inspired, 

Who leaving far beyond their native plain 

Have sought a home beyond the western main ; 

And braved the perils of the stormy seas 

In search of wealth, of freedom, and of ease. 

Oh, none can tell, but those who sadly share, 

The bosom's anguish, and its wild despair, 

What dire distress awaits the hardy bands, 

That venture first on bleak and desert lands; 

How great the pain, the danger and the toil 

Which mark the first rude culture of the soil. 

When looking round, the lonely settler sees 

His home amid a wilderness of trees ; 

How sinks his heart in those deep solitudes, 

Where not a voice upon his ear intrudes ; 

Where solemn silence all the waste pervades, 

Heightening the horror of its gloomy shades ; 

Save where the sturdy woodman's strokes resound 

That strew the fallen forest on the ground." 

— H. Glodsmith. 

The second settlement of Highlanders in British America was 
at Pictou, Nova Scotia. The stream of Scottish emigration which 
flowed in after years, not only over the county of Pictou, but also 
over the greater portion of eastern Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, 
Prince Edward Island, and even the upper provinces of Canada, 
was largely due to this settlement ; for these emigrants, in after 
years, communicated with their friends and induced them to take 
up their abode in the new country. The stream once started did 
not take long to deepen and widen. 

A company of gentlemen, the majority of whom lived in 
Philadelphia, received a grant of land in Nova Scotia. Some of 
the shares passed into the hands of the celebrated Dr. John With- 


erspoon and John Pagan, a merchant of Greenock, Scotland. 
These two men appear to have jointly been engaged in promoting 
emigration to the older colonies. Pagan owned a ship called 
Hector, which was engaged in carrying passengers across the At- 
lantic. In 1770 she landed Scottish emigrants in Boston. In or- 
der to carry out the original obligations of the grant, the proprie- 
tors offered liberal inducements for the settlement of it. An 
agent, named John Ross, was employed, with whom it was agreed 
that each settler should have a free passage from Scotland, a 
farm, and a year's free provisions. Ross sailed for Scotland on 
board the Hector, and on his arrival proceeded to the Highlands, 
where he painted in glowing colors a picture of the land and the 
advantages offered. The Highlanders knew nothing of the diffi- 
culties awaiting them in a land covered over with a dense un- 
broken forest, and, tempted by the prospect of owning splendid 
farms, they were imposed upon, and many agreed to cast their lot 
on the western side of the Atlantic. The Hector was the vessel 
that should convey them, with John Spears as master, James Orr 
being first mate, and John Anderson second. The vessel called 
first at Greenock, where three families and five young men were 
taken on board. From there she sailed for Lochbroom, in Ross- 
shire, where she received thirty-three families and twenty-five 
single men, having all told about two hundred souls. 

On July 1, 1773, this band bade adieu to friends, home, and 
country and started for a land they knew naught of. But few had 
ever crossed the ocean. Just as the ship was starting a piper 
named John McKay came on board who had not paid his passage ; 
the captain ordered him ashore, but the strains of the national in- 
strument so affected those on board that they interceded to have 
him allowed to accompany them, and offered to share their own 
rations with him, in exchange for his music, during the passage. 
Their request was granted, and his performance aided in no small 
degree to cheer the pilgrims in their long voyage of eleven weeks, 
in a miserable hulk, across the Atlantic. The band of emigrants 
kept up their spirits, as best they could, by song, pipe music, 
dancing, wrestling, and other amusements, during the long arid 
painful voyage. The Hector was an old Dutch ship, and a slow 


sailer. It was so rotten that the passengers could pick the wood 
out of the sides with their fingers. They met with a severe gale 
off the Newfoundland coast, and were driven back so far that it 
required two weeks to recover the lost distance. The accommo- 
dations on board were wretched and the provisions of inferior 
quality. Small-pox and dysentery broke out among the passen- 
gers. Eighteen, most of whom were children, died and were 
committed to the deep. The former disease was brought on 
board by a mother and child, both of whom lived to an advanced 
age. Owing to the voyage being prolonged, the stock of provis- 
ions and water became low; the remnant of food left consisted 
mostly of salt meat, which, with the scarcity of water, added 
greatly to their sufferings. The oatcake, carried by them, became 
mouldy, so that much of it was thrown away before they thought 
such a long passage was before them; but, fortunately for them, 
Hugh Macleod, more prudent than the rest, gathered into a bag 
these despised scraps, and during the last few days of the voyage, 
all were glad to avail themselves of this refuse food. 

At last, all the troubles and dangers of the voyage having 
been surmounted, on September 15th, the Hector dropped anchor, 
opposite where the town of Pictou now stands. Previous to the 
arrival of the vessel, the sparsely inhabited country had been 
somewhat disturbed by the Indians. Word had been received that 
the Hector was on the way to that region with Highland emi- 
grants. The whites warned the Indians that the Highlanders were 
coming — the same men they had seen at the taking of Quebec. 
When the Hector appeared, according to the fashion of that time, 
her sides were painted in imitation of gunports, which induced 
the impression that she was a man-of-war. Though the High- 
land dress was then proscribed at home, this emigrant band, care- 
fully preserving and fondly cherising the national costume, car- 
ried it along with them, and, in celebration of their arrival, many 
of the younger men donned themselves in their kilts, with Sgian 
Dubh and the clavmore. Just as the vessel dropped anchor, the 
piper blew up his pipes with might and main, and its thrilling 
sounds then first startling the denizens of the endless forest, 
caused the Indians to fly in terror, and were not again seen there 


for quite an interval. After the terror of the Indians had sub- 
sided, they returned to cultivate the friendship of the Highland- 
ers, and proved to be of great assistance. From them they learned 
to make and use snowshoes, to call moose, and acquired the art 
of woodcraft. Often too from them they received provisions. 
They never gave them any trouble, and generally showed real 

The first care of the emigrants was to provide for the sick. 
The wife of Hugh Macleod had just died of smallpox, and the 
body was sent ashore and buried. Several were sick, and others 
dying. The resident settlers did all within their power to allev- 
iate the sufferers ; and with the supply of fresh provisions most of 
the sick rapidly recovered, but some died on board the vessel. 

However great may have been the expectation of these poor 
creatures on the eve of their leaving Scotland, their hopes almost 
deserted them by the sight that met their view as they crowded 
on the deck of the vessel to see their future homes. The primeval 
forest before them was unbroken, save a few patches on the shore 
between Brown's Point and the head of the harbor, which had 
been cleared by the few people who had preceded them. They 
were landed without the provisions promised them, and without 
shelter of anv kind, and were only able, with the help of the ear- 
lier settlers, to erect camps of the rudest and most primitive de- 
scription, to shelter their sick, their wives and children from the 
elements. Their feelings of disappointment were most bitter, 
when they compared the actual facts with the free farms and the 
comfort promised them bv the emigration agent. Although glad 
to be freed from the pest-house of the ship, yet they were so over- 
come by their disappointment that many of them sat down and 
wept bitterly. The previous settlers could not promise food for 
one-third of those who had arrived on board the Hector, and what 
provisions were there soon became exhausted, and the season was 
too late to raise another crop. To make matters still worse, they 
were sent three miles into the forest, so that they could not even 
take advantage, with the same ease, of any fish that might be 
caught in the harbor. These men were unskilled, and the work of 
cutting down the gigantic trees, and clearing up the land appeared 


to them to be a hopeless task. They were naturally afraid of- the 
Indians and the wild beasts ; and without roads or paths through 
the forest, they were frightened to move, doubtful about being 
lost in the wilderness. 

Under circumstances, such as above narrated, it is not surpris- 
ing that the people refused to settle on the company's land. In 
consequence of this, when the supplies did arrive, the agents re- 
fused to give them any. To add still further to the difficulties, 
there arose a jealously between them and the older settlers; Ross 
quarrelled with the company, and ultimately he left the new-com- 
ers to their fate. The few who had a little money with them 
bought food of the agents, while others, less fortunate, exchanged 
clothing for provisions; but the majority had absolutely nothing 
to buy with; and what little the others could purchase was soon 
devoured. Driven to extremity they insisted on having the sup- 
plies that had been sent to them. They were positively refused, 
and now determined on force in order to save the colony from 
starvation. Donald McDonald and Colin Douglass went to the 
store seized the agents, tied them, took their guns from them, 
which they hid at a distance. Then they carefully measured the 
articles, took account of what each man received, that the same 
might be paid for, in case they should ever become able. They 
then left, leaving behind them Roderick McKay, a man of great 
energy and determination, a leader among them, who was to lib- 
erate the agents — Robert Patterson and Dr. Harris — as soon as 
the others could get to a safe distance, when he released them and^ 
informed them where their guns might be found, and then got out 
of the way himself. 

Intelligence was at once dispatched to Halifax that the High- 
landers were in rebellion, from whence orders were sent to Cap- 
tain Thomas Archibald of Truro, to march his company of militia 
to Pictou to suppress and pacify the rebels ; but to his honor, be it 
said, he pointedly refused, and made reply, "I will do no such 
thing ; I know the Highlanders, and if they are fairly treated there 
will be no trouble with them." Correct representations of the case 
were sent to Halifax, and as lord William Campbell, whose term 
as governor had just expired, was still there, and interesting him- 


self on behalf of the colony as his countrymen, he secured orders 
for the provisions. Robert Patterson, in after years, admitted 
that the Highlanders, who had arrived in poverty, paid him every 
farthing with which he had trusted them, notwithstanding the 
fact that they had been so badly treated. 

Difficulties hemming them in on every hand, with rigorous 
winter approaching, the majority removed to Truro, and places 
adjacent, to obtain by their labor food for their families. A few 
settled at Londonderry, some went to Halifax, and still others to 
Windsor and Cornwallis. In, these settlements, the fathers 
mothers, and even the children were forced to bind themselves, 
virtually as slaves, that they might have subsistence. Those who 
remained, — seventy in number — lived in small huts, covered over 
only with the bark and branches of trees to shelter them from the 
bitter cold of winter, enduring incredible hardships. To procure 
food for their families, they must trudge eighty miles to Truro, 
through cold and snow and a trackless forest, and there obtaining 
a bushel or two of potatoes, and a little flour, in exchange for their 
labor, they had to return, carrying the supply either on their backs, 
or else dragging it behind them on handsleds. The way was be- 
set with dangers such as the climbing of steep hills, the descend- 
ing of high banks, crossing of brooks on the trunk of a single tree, 
the sinking in wet or boggy ground, and the camping out at night 
without shelter. Even the potatoes with which they were supplied 
were of an inferior grade, being soft, and such as is usually fed to 
cattle. Sometimes the cold was so piercing that the potatoes froze 
to their backs. 

Many instances have been related of the privations of this 
period, some of which are here subjoined. Hugh Fraser, after 
having exhausted every means of procuring food for his family, 
resorted to the expedient of cutting down a birch tree and boiling 
the buds, which he gave them to eat. He then went to a heap, 
where one of the first settlers had buried some potatoes, and took 
out some, intending to inform the owner. Before he did so, some 
of the neighbors maliciously reported him, but the proprietor 
simply remarked that he thanked God he had them there for the 
poor old man's family. On another occasion when the father and 


eldest son had gone to Truro for provisions, everything in the 
shape of food being exhausted, except an old hen, which the 
mother finally killed, for the younger children. She boiled it in 
salt water for the benefit of the salt, with a quantiy of herbs, the 
nature of which she was totally ignorant. A few days later the 
hen's nest was found with ten eggs in it. Two young men set off 
for Halifax, so weak from want of food, that they could scarcely 
travel, and when they reached Gay's River, were nearly ready to 
give up. However they saw there a fine lot of trout, hanging by a 
rod, on a bush. They hesitated to take them, thinking they might 
belong to the Indians who would overtake and kill them. They 
therefore left them, but returned, when the pains of hunger pre- 
vailed. Afterwards they discovered that they had been caught 
by two sportsmen, neither of whom would carry them. Alexan- 
der Fraser, then only sixteen, carried his sister on his back to 
Truro, while the only food he had for the whole journey was the 
tale of an eel. On another occasion the supply of potatoes, which 
had been brought a long distance for seed and planted, were dug 
up by the family and some of the splits eaten. The remembrance 
of these days sank deep into the minds of that generation, and long 
after, the narration of the scenes and cruel hardships through 
which they had to pass, beguiled the winter's night as they sat by 
their comfortable firesides. 

During the first winter, the first death among the emigrants 
was a child of Donald McDonald, and the first birth was a son of 
Alexander Fraser, named David, afterwards Captain Fraser. 
When the following spring opened they set to work to improve 
their condition. They sought out suitable spots on which to set- 
tle, judging the land by the kind and variety of trees produced. 
They explored the different rivers, and finding the soil near their 
banks to be the most fertile, and capable of being more easily im- 
proved than the higher lands, they settled upon it. Difficulties 
were thrown in the way of getting their grant. The first grant 
obtained was to Donald Cameron, who had been a soldier in the 
Fraser Highlanders at the taking of Quebec. His lot was sit- 
uated at the Albion Mines. This grant is dated February 8, 1775, 
and besides the condition of the king's quit rent, contains the fol- 
lowing : 


"That the grantee, his heirs or assigns, shall clear and work, 
within three years, three acres for every fifty granted, in that part 
of the land which he shall judge most convenient and advan- 
tageous, or clear and drain three acres of swampy or sunken 
ground, or drain three acres of marsh, if any such be within the 
bounds of this grant, or put and keep on his lands, within three 
years from the date hereof, three neat cattle, to be continued upon 
the land until three acres for every fifty be fully cleared and im- 
proved. But if no part of the said tract be fit for present cultiva- 
tion, without manuring and improving the same, then this grantee, 
his heirs and assigns shall be obliged, within three years from the 
date hereof, to erect on some part of said land a dwelling house, 
to contain twenty feet in length by sixteen feet in breadth, and to 
put on said land three neat cattle for every fifty acres, or if the 
said grantee, his heirs or assigns, shall, within three years, after 
the passing of this grant, begin to employ thereon, and so con- 
tinue to work for three years then next ensuing, in digging any 
stone quarry or any other mine, one good and able hand for every 
one hundred acres of such tract, it shall be accounted a sufficient 
seeding, planting, cultivation and improvement, and every three 
acres which shall be cleared and worked as aforesaid; and every 
three acres which shall be cleared and drained as aforesaid, shall 
be accounted a sufficient seeding, planting cultivation and im- 
provement, to save for ever from forfeiture fifty acres in every 
part of the tract hereby granted." 

All were not so fortunate as to secure their grants early. As 
late as January 22, 1781, in a petition to the government, they 
complained that a grant had been often promised but never re- 
ceived; but finally, on August 26, 1783, the promise was fulfilled. 
It contains the names of forty-four persons, some of whom were 
not passengers on board the Hector ; conveying the lands on which 
they were located, the size of the lots being regulated by the num- 
ber in the family. The following is a list of grantees, with the 
number of acres received and notices of situation of their lots : 

On West River: David Stewart, 300 acres; John McKen- 
zie, 500; Hugh Fraser, 400; William McLellan, — ; James Mc- 
Donald, 200; James McLellan, 100; Charles Blaikie, 300, and 
in another division 250 acres, 550 in all; Robert Patterson, 300, 
and in an after division 500 in all; James McCabe, 300; Alex. 
Cameron, — . 


On Middle River, East Side: Alex. Fraser, ioo acres; 
Alex. Ross, Jr., ioo; John Smith, 350; Robert Marshall, 350; 
James McCulloch, 240; Alex, Ross, 300; Alex. Fraser, Jr., 100; 
John Crockett, 500 ; Simon Fraser, 500 ; Donald McDonald, 350 ; 
David Urquhart, 250; Kenneth Fraser, 450; James McLeod, 150. 

On East River, East Side: Walter Murray, 280 acres, and 
70 acres in after division; James McKay, 70; Donald McKay, 
Jr., 80; John Sutherland, 180, and 70 in after division; Rod. 
McKay, Sr., 300, and in after division, 50; James Hays, — ; 
Hugh McKay, 100; Alex. McKay, 100; Heirs of Donald Mc- 
Lellan, 260; Hugh Fraser, 400, and in after division, 100; Wm. 
McLeod, 80; John McLellan, 200; Thomas Turnbull, 220, in 
after division, 180; Wm. McLeod, 210, and in after division, 60; 
Alex. McLean, — ; Colin McKenzie, 370. 

On East River, West Side: Donald Cameron, 100 acres; 
James Grant, 400; Colin McKay, 400; Wm. McKay, 550; Donald 
Cameron, 100; Donald McKay, Sr., 450; Donald Cameron, a 
gore lot ; Anthony Culton, 500. 

The following is a list of passengers that arrived on board 
the Hector, originally drawn up, about 1837, D Y William McKen- 
zie, Loch Broom, Novia Scotia: 

Shipped at Glasgow: a Mr. Scott and family; George Mor- 
rison and family, from Banff, settled on west side of Barnys 
River ; John Patterson, prominent in the settlement ; George Mc- 
Connell, settled on West River; Andrew Main and family, settled 
at Noel ; Andrew Wesley ; Charles Fraser, settled at Cornwallis ; 
John Stewart. 

From Invernesshire: Wiliam McKay ,wife and four chil- 
dren, settled on East River ; Roderick McKay, wife and daughter, 
settled on East River; Colin McKay and family, on East 
River; Hugh Fraser, wife and three children, on McLellans 
Brook; Donald Cameron and family, on East River; Donald Mc- 
Donald, wife and two children, on Middle River; Colin Douglass, 
wife and three children, two of the latter lost on the Hector, on 
Middle River; Hugh Fraser and family, on West River; Alex. 


Fraser, wife and five children; James Grant and family, East 
River; Donald Munroe, settled in Halifax, and Donald Mc . 

From Loch Broom : John Ross, Agent, history unknown ; 
Alexander Cameron, wife and two children, settled at Loch 
Broom; Alex. Ross and wife, advanced in life; Alex Ross and 
Family, on Middle River; Colin McKenzie and Family, on East 
River; John Munroe and family; Kenneth McRitchie and family; 
William McKenzie, at Loch Broom; John McGregor; John Mc- 
Lellan, on McLellans Brook; William McLellan, on West River; 
Alexander McLean, East River; Alexander Falconer, Hopewell; 
Donald McKay, East River; Archibald Chisholm, East River; 
Charles Matheson; Robert Sim, removed to New Brunswick; 
Alexander McKenzie and Thomas Fraser, From Sutherlandshire ; 
Kenneth Fraser and family, Middle River; William Fraser and 
family; James Murray and family, Londonderry; David Urquhart 
and family, Londonderry; Walter Murray and family, Merigo- 
mish; James McLeod and wife, Middle River; Hugh McLeod, 
wife, and three daughters, the wife died as the vessel arrived, 
West River; Alexander McLeod, wife, and three sons, one of the 
last died in the harbor, and the father drowned in the Shubena- 
cadie; John McKay and family, Schubenacadie ; Philip McLeod 
and family; Donald McKenzie and family, Shubenacadie( ?) ; 
Alexander McKenzie and family; John Sutherland and family; 
William Matheson, wife and son,, first settled at Londonderry, 
then at Rogers Hill; Donald Grant; Donald Graham; John Mc- 
Kay, piper; William McKay, worked for an old settler named Mc- 
Cabe, and took his name ; John Sutherland, first at Windsor, and 
then on Sutherland river ; Angus McKenzie, first at Windsor, and 
finally on Green Hill. 

Some interesting facts have been gathered concerning the his- 
tory of these emigrants, Roderick McKay, who took up land on 
the East River, was born in Beauly, and before leaving his native 
country gained a local admiration by rescuing some whiskev from 
the officers who had seized it, and for the offence was lodged in 
jail in Inverness. He soon ingratiated himself into the good 


graces of the jailer, and had no difficulty in sending him for some 
ale and whiskey. The jailer returning, advanced into the cell with 
both hands full. Roderick stepped behind him, passed out the 
door, locked it, and brought off the key. In Halifax he added to 
his reputation. An officer was paying some attention to a female 
inmate of his house which did not meet the approbation of Roder- 
ick, and meeting them together upbraided him for his conduct, 
when the latter drew his sword and struck him a cruel blow on the 
head. Telling the officer he would meet him within an hour, he 
had his wound dressed, and securing a stick stood before his an- 
tagonist. The officer again drew his sword and in the melee, Rod- 
erick disarmed him and well repaid him for his cowardly assault. 
Alexander Fraser, who settled on Middle River, although too 
young to serve in the Rising of the Forty Five had three brothers 
at Culloden, of whom two were killed. He was in comfortable 
circumstances, when he left what he thought was a Saxon oppres- 
sion, which determined him to seek freedom in America. His 
horses and cart were seized by guagers, with some whiskey which 
they were carrying, and taken to Inverness. During the night, the 
stable boy, a relative of Fraser, took out the horses and cart, and 
driving across country delivered them to the owner, who lost no 
time in taking them to another part of the country and disposed 
of them. He was the last to engage a passage in the Hector. 
Alexander Cameron who gave the name to Loch Broom, after that 
of his native parish was not quite eighteen at the Rising of the 
Forty Five. His brothers followed prince Charles, and he was 
drawn by the crowd that followed the prince to Culloden. When 
he returned to his charge, it was to meet an angry master who at- 
tempted to chastize him. Cameron ran with his master in pursuit. 
The latter finding him too nimble, stooped down to pick up a stone 
to throw at him, and in doing so wounded himself with his dirk in 
the leg, so that he was obliged to remain some time in hiding, lest 
he should be taken as having been at Culloden, by the soldiers who 
were scouring the country, killing any wounded stragglers from 
the field. The eldest son of James Grant who settled on East 


River, did not emigrate with the family, but is believed to have 
emigrated afterwards, and was the grandfather of General U. S. 

As has already been intimated, amidst all the discouragements 
and disappointments, the Highlanders used every means in their 
power to supply the wants of their families. They rapidly learned 
from the Indians and their neighbors. The former taught them 
the secrets of the forests and they soon became skilled in hunting 
the moose, and from the latter they became adepts in making 
staves, which were sent in small vessels to the older colonies, and in 
exchange were supplied with necessaries. But the population 
rather decreased, for a return made January i, 1775, showed the 
entire population to be but seventy-eight, consisting of twenty- 
three men, fourteen women, twenty-one boys and twenty-girls. 
The produce raised in 1775, was two hundred and sixty-nine bush- 
els of wheat, thirteen of rye, fifty-six of peas, thirty-six of barley, 
one hundred of oats, and three hundred and forty pounds of flax. 
The farm stock consisted of thirteen oxen, thirteen cows, fifteen 
young neat cattle, twenty-five sheep and one swine. They manu- 
factured seventeen thousand feet of boards. While the improve- 
ment was somewhat marked, the supply was not sufficient ; and the 
same weary journeys must be taken to Truro for necessaries. The 
moose, and the fish in the rivers, gave them a supply of meat, and 
they soon learned to make sugar from the sap of the maple tree. 
They learned to dig a large supply of clams in the autumn, heap 
the same on the shore, and cover with sand. 

Scarcely had these people become able to supply themselves, 
when they were again tried by the arrival of a class poorer than 
themselves. Inducements having been held out by the proprietors 
of Prince Edward Island to parties in Scotland, to settle their land, 
John Smith and Wellwood Waugh, living at Lockerbie, in Dum- 
friesshire, sold out their property and chartered a small vessel to 
carry thither their families, and all others that would accompany 
them. They arrived at Three Rivers, in the year 1774, followed 
by others a few months later. They commenced operations on the 
Island with fair prospects of success, when they were almost over- 


whelmed by a plague of mice. These animals swarmed every- 
where, consuming everything eatable, even to the potatoes in the 
ground; and for eighteen months the settlers experinced all the 
miseries of a famine, having for several months only what lob- 
sters or shell-fish they could gather on the sea-shore. The winter 
brought them to such a state of weakness that they were unable to 
convey food a reasonable distance, even when they had means to 
buy it. In this pitiable condition they heard that the Pictou people 
were beginning to prosper and had provisions to spare. They sent 
one of their number David Stewart to make inquiry. One of the 
settlers, who had come from one of the older colonies, brought 
with him some negro slaves, and when the messenger arrived had 
just returned from Truro to sell one of them, and brought home 
with him some provisions, the proceeds of the sale of the negro. 
The agent was cheerful in spite of his troubles; and withal was 
something of a wag. On his return to the Island the people gath- 
ered around him to hear the news. "What kind of a place is Pic- 
tou?" inquired one. "Oh, an awful place. Why, I was staying 
with a man who was just eating the last of his nigger;" and as the 
people were reduced themselves they did not hesitate to believe the 
tale. Receiving correct information, fifteen of the families went to 
Pictou, where, for a time, they fared little better, but afterwards 
became prosperous and happy. Had it not been for a French set- 
tlement a few miles distant the people of Lockerbie would have 
perished during the winter. For supplies, principally of potatoes, 
they exchanged the clothing they had brought from Scotland, until 
they barely had enough for themselves. John Smith who was one 
of the leaders removed to Truro, and Waugh left the Island for 
Pictou, having only a bucket of clams to support his family on the 

, The American Revolution effected that distant colony. The 
people had received most of the supplies from the States, which 
was paid for in fish, fur, and lumber. This trade was at once cut 
off and the people, at first, felt it severely. Even salt could only 
be obtained by boiling down sea water. The selection of Halifax 
as the chief depot for the British navy promoted the business in- 


terests for that region of country. As large sums of money were 
expended there, the district shared in the prosperity. While prices 
for various kinds of lumber rapidly increased, and the Pictou col- 
ony was greatly advantaged thereby, still they found it difficult to 
obtain British goods, of which they were in need until 1779, when 
John Patterson went to Scotland and purchased a supply. The 
War had the effect to divide the colony of Pictou. Not only the 
Highlanders but all others from Scotland were loyally attached to 
the British government ; while the earlier settlers, who were from 
the States, were loyally attached to the American cause, with the 
exception of Robert Patterson. Although the Americans were so 
situated as to be unable to take up arms, yet they manifested their 
sympathy in harmless ways, as in the refusal of tea, and the more 
permanent method of naming their sons after those who were 
prominent in the theatre of war. At times the feeling became quite 
violent, in so much so that the circular addressed to the magis- 
trates in the Province was sent to Pictou, requiring these officers 
"to be watchful and attentive to the behaviour of the people in 
your county, and that you will apprehend any person or persons 
who shall be guilty of any opposition to the King's authority and 
Government, and send them properly guarded to Halifax." The 
inhabitants were not only required to take the oath of allegiance, 
but the magistrates were compelled to send a list of all who so 
complied as well as those who refused. Robert Patterson, who 
had been made a magistrate in 1774, was very zealous in carrying 
out this order. He even started for Halifax, intending to get 
copies of the oath required, for the purpose of imposing it on the 
inhabitants. When he reached Truro one of the Archibalds dis- 
covered his mission and presenting a pistol, used its persuasive 
influence to induce him immediately to return home. So officious 
did Patterson become that his sons several times were obliged to 
hide him in the woods, taking him to Fraser's Point for that pur- 

Many occurrences relating to the War effected the. Province, 
the County of Pictou, and indirectly the Highlanders, though not 
in a marked degree. The first special occurrence, was probably 


during the spring of 1776, when an American privateer captured 
a vessel at Merigomish, loaded with a valuable cargo of West In- 
dia produce. The vessel was immediately got to sea. The news 
of the capture was immediately circulated, and presuming the 
privateer would enter the harbor of Pictou, the inhabitants col- 
lected with every old musket and fowling piece to resist the enemy. 
— The next incident was the capture of Captain Lowden's vessel in 
the harbor in 1777, variously reported to have been the work of 
Americans from Machias, Maine, and also by Americans from 
Pictou and Truro. In all probability the latter were in the plot. 
The vessel had been loading with timber for the British market. 
The captain was invited to the house of Wellwood Waugh, and 
went without suspicion, leaving the vessel in charge of the mate. 
During the visit he was surrounded and informed that he was a 
prisoner, and commanded to deliver up his arms. In the mean- 
time an armed party proceeded to the vessel, which was easily 
secured. As the crew came on deck they were made prisoners and 
confined in the forecastle. Some of the captors took a boat be- 
longing to the ship and went to the shop of Roderick McKay some 
distance up East River, and plundered it of tools, iron, &c. In the 
meantime Roderick and his brother Donald had boarded the ves- 
sel and were also made prisoners. When night came the captors 
celebrated tne event by a carousal. When well under the influ- 
ence of liquor, Roderick proposed to his brother to take the ship, 
the plan being to make a sudden rush up the cabin stairs to the 
deck ; that he would seize the sentry and pitch him overboard, 
while Donald should stand with an axe over the companionway 
and not allow any of them to come up. Donald was a quiet, peace- 
able man, and opposed to the effusion of blood and refused to take 
part in the scheme. The McKays were released and the vessel 
sailed for Bay Verte, not knowing that the Americans had retired 
from the place. The vessel fell into the hands of a man-of-war, 
and the captors took to the woods, where, it is supposed, many of 
them perished. All of Waugh's goods were seized, by the officers 
of the war-vessel, and sold, and he was forced to leave. This af- 
fair caused the American sympathizers to leave the settlement 
moving eastward, and without selling their farms. 


American privateers were frequently off the coast, but had 
little effect on Pictou. One of the passengers of the Hector who 
had removed to Halifax and there married, came to Pictou by land, 
but sent his baggage on a vessel. She was captured and he lost 
all. A privateer came into the harbor, the alarm was given, and 
the people assembled to repel the invader. An American living in 
the settlement, went on board the vessel and urged the commander 
to leave because there were only a few Scotch settlers commencing 
in the woods, and not yet possessing anything worth taking away. 
In consequence of his representations the vessel put out to sea. — 
The wreck of the Malignant excited some attention at Pictou, near 
the close of the war. She was a man-of-war bound to Quebec, 
and late in the fall was wrecked at a place since known as Malig- 
nant Cove. The crew came to Pictou and staid through the win- 
ter, being provided for through the efforts of Robert Patterson. 

The cause of the greatest alarm during the War was a large 
gathering of Indians at Eraser's Point in 1779. In that year some 
Indians, in the interest of the Americans, having plundered the in- 
habitants at Miramichi, a British man-of-war seized sixteen of 
them of whom twelve were carried to Quebec as hostages, and 
from there, afterwards, brought to Halifax. Several hundred In- 
dians, for quite a number of days were in council, the design of 
which was believed to join in the war against the English. The 
settlers were greatly alarmed, but the Indians quietly dispersed. 
Most of the Highlanders that emigrated on board the Hector were 
very ignorant. Only a few could read and books among them 
were unknown. The Lockerbie settlers were much more intelli- 
gent in religion and in everything else. They brought with them 
from Scotland a few religious books, some of which were lost on 
Prince Edward Island, but those preserved were carefully read. 
In 1779 John Patterson brought a supply of books from Scotland, 
among which was a lot of the New England Primer, which was 
distributed among the young. 

The people were all religiously inclined, and some very de- 
vout. All were desirous of religious ordinances. They would 
meet at the regular hour on the Sabbath, Robert Marshall holding 


what was called a religious teaching for the English, and Colin 
Douglass doing the same in Gaelic. The exercises consisted of 
praise, prayer and the reading of the Scriptures and religious 
books. They were visited once or twice by Reverend David 
Smith of Londonderry, and Reverend Daniel Cock of Truro came 
among them several times. As the people considered themselves 
under the ministry of the latter, they went on foot to Truro to be 
present at his communions, and carried their children thither on 
their backs to be baptized by him. These people had so little Eng- 
lish that they could scarcely understand any sermon in that lan- 
guage. This may be judged from an incident that occurred some 
years later. A Highlander, living in Truro, attended Mr. Cock's 

service. The latter one day took for his text the words, "Fools 
make a mock of sin." The former bore the sermon patiently, but 

said afterward, "Mr. Cock's needn't have talked so about mocca- 
sins; Mr. McGregor wore them many a time." 

The people were also visited by itinerant preachers, the most 
important of whom was Henry Alline. In his journal, under date 
of July 25, 1782, he says: 

"Got to a place called Picto, where I had no thought of mak- 
ing any stay, but finding the spirit to attend my preaching, I staid 
there thirteen days and preached in all the different parts of the 
settlement, I found four Christians in this place, who were great- 
ly revived and rejoiced that the Gospel was sent among them." — 

Reverend James Bennet, missionary of the Church of England, 
in 1775, visited the eastern borders of the Province, and in 1780 
visited Pictou and Tatamagouche, and on his return lost his way 
in the woods. 

The Peace of 1783 brought in an influx of settlers mostly 
from the Highlands, with some who had served in the Revolution 
against the Americans. This added strength gave more solidity 
to the settlement. Although considerable prosperity had been at- 
tained the added numbers brought increased wealth. Among the 
fresh arrivals came Reverend James McGregor, in 1786, and 
under his administration the religious tone was developed, and 
the state of society enhanced. 

First Highland Regiments in America. 

The conflict known as the French and indian war, which 
began in 1754, forced the English colonies to join in a common 
cause. The time had come for the final struggle between France 
and England for colonial supremacy in America. The principal 
cause for the war was brought on by the conflicting territorial 
claims of the two nations. Mutual encroachments were made by 
both parties on the other's territory, in consequence of which 
both nations prepared for war. The English ministry decided to 
make their chief efforts against the French in that quarter where 
the aggressions took place, and for this purpose dispatched thither 
two bodies of troops. The first division, of which the 42nd High- 
landers formed a part, under the command of Lieutenant-General 
Sir James Abercromby, set sail in March, 1756, and landed in June 

The Highland regiments that landed in America and took 
part in the conflict were the 42nd or Royal Highland Regiment, 
but better known as "The Black Watch" (Am Freiceadan Dubh), 
the 77th or Montgomery's Highlanders, and the Old 78th, or 
Fraser's Highlanders. 

The Black Watch, socalled from the sombre appearance of 
their dress was embodied, as the 43rd Regiment, May, 1740, hav- 
ing been composed largely of the independent companies raised 
in 1729. When Oglethorpe's regiment, the 42nd was reduced in 
1749, the Black Watch received its number, which ever since, it 
has retained. From 1749 to 1756 the regiment was stationed in 
Ireland, and between them and the inhabitants of the districts, 
where quartered, the utmost cordiality existed. Previous to the 
departure of the regiment from Ireland to America, officers with 
parties had been sent to Scotland for recruits. So success- 




ful were they, that in the month of June, seven hundred embarked 
at Greenock for America. The officers of the regiment were as 
follows : 








Lord John Murray. . . 

Apr. 25, 1745 

Lieut.. . . 

John Graham 

Jan. 25, 1756 


Lieut.. . . 

Hugh McPherson. . 

" 26, 1756 

Colonel. . 

Francis Grant 

Dec. 17, 1755 

Lieut.. . . 

Alexander Turnbull. . 

" 27, 1756 

Major... . 

Duncan Campbell,. . . 

Dec. 17, 1755 

Lieut.. . 

Alexander Campbell. 

" 28, 1756 


Lieut.. . 

Alexander Mcintosh. 

" 29, 1756 


Gordon Graham 

June 3, 1752 

Lieut.. . . 

James Gray 

" 30, 1756 

Capt .... 

John Read 


Lieut.. . . 

William Baillie 

" 31, 1756 


Dec. 16, 1752 

Lieut.. . . 

Hugh Arnott 

Apr. 9,1756 
" 10, 1756 


Mar. 15, 1755 

Lieut.. . 


James Abercromby . . 

Feb. 16, 1756 

Lieut.. . . 

John Small 

" 11, 1756 



Lieut.. . . 

Archibald Campbell.. 

May 5, 1756 

Son of Glassa 

Ensign. . 

James Campbell 

Jan. 24, 1756 


Apr. 9, 1756 

Ensign. . 

Archibald Lamont. . . 

" 25, 1756 



Ensign. . 

Duncan Campbell. . . . 

" 26, 1756 

Lieut. . . . 

John Campbell, sr.. . . 

Feb. 16, 1756 


George McLagan. . . . 

" 27, 1756 

Lieut.. . . 

William Grant 

May 22, 1746 

Ensign . . 

Patrick Balneaves. . . . 

" 28, 1756 

Lieut. . . . 

Aug. 7, 1747 

Ensign. . 

Patrick Stuart 

" 29, 1756 

Lieut.. . . 

John Campbell 

May 16, 1748 

Ensign. . 

Norman McLeod.. . . 

" 30, 1756 

Lieut.. . . 

George Farquharson . 

Mar. 29, 1750 

Ensign. . 

George Campbell ... 

" 31, 1756 

Lieut.. . . 

Colin Campbell 

Feb. 9, 1751 

Ensign. . 

Donald Campbell. . . . 

May 5, 1756 

Lieut.. . . 

June 3, 1752 


Adam Ferguson 

Apr. 30, 1746 

Lieut. . . 

Sir James Cockburn, 

Mar. 15, 1755 


Tames Grant 

June 26, 1751 
Feb. 19, 1756 

John Graham 

Lieut.. . . 

Kenneth Tolme 

Jan. 23, 1756 


David Hepburn 

June 26, 1751 


James Grant 

" 24, 1756 

The regiment known as Montgomery's Highlanders (77th) 
took its name from its commander, Archibald Montgomery, son 
of the earl of Eglinton. Being very popular among the Highland- 
ers, Montgomery very soon raised the requisite body of men, who 
were formed into thirteen companies of one hundred and five rank 
and file each; making in all fourteen hundred and sixty effective 
men, including sixty-five sergeants and thirty pipers and drum- 
mers. The Colonel's commission was dated January 4, 1757, and 


those of the other officers one day later than his senior in rank. 
They are thus recorded : 

Lieut.-Colonel commanding, Archibald Montgomery; ma- 
jors, James Grant of Ballindalloch and Alexander Campbell; cap- 
tains, John Sinclair, Hugh Mackenzie, John Gordon, Alexander 
Mackenzie, William Macdonald, George Munro, Robert Macken- 
zie, Allan Maclean, James Robertson, Allan Cameron; captain- 
lieut., Alexander Mackintosh; lieutenants, Charles Farquharson, 
Nichol Sutherland, Donald Macdonald, William Mackenzie, Rob- 
ert Mackenzie, Henry Munro, Archibald Robertson, Duncan 
Bayne, James Duff, Colin Campbell, James Grant, Alexander 
Macdonald, Joseph Grant, Robert Grant, Cosmo Martin, John 
Macnab, Hugh Gordon, Alexander Macdonald, Donald Camp- 
bell, Hugh Montgomery, James Maclean, Alexander Campbell, 
John Campbell, James Macpherson, Archibald Macvicar; en- 
signs : Alexander Grant, William Haggart, Lewis Houston, Ron- 
ald Mackinnon, George Munro, Alexander Mackenzie, John Mac- 
lachlane, William Maclean, James Grant, John Macdonald, Archi- 
bald Crawford, James Bain, Allan Stewart; chaplain: Henry 
Munro; adjutant: Donald Stewart; quarter-master: Alexander 
Montgomery ; surgeon : Allan Stewart. 

The regiment embarked at Greenock for Halifax immediately 
on its organization. 

Fraser's Highlanders, or the 78th Regiment was organized 
by Simon Fraser, son of the notorious lord Lovat who was exe- 
cuted by the English government for the part he acted in the Ris- 
ing of the Forty-five. Although his estates had been seized by 
the Crown, and not possessing a foot of land, so great was the in- 
fluence of clanship, that in a few weeks he raised eight hundred 
men, to whom were added upwards of six hundred more by the 
gentlemen of the country and those who had obtained commis- 
sions. In point of the number of companies and men, the battal- 
ion was precisely the same as Montgomery's Highlanders. The 
list of officers, whose commissions are dated January 5, 1757, is 
as follows : 

Lieut.-col. commandant: Simon Fraser; majors: James 
Clephane and John Campbell of Dunoon; captains: John Mac- 


pherson, brother of Cluny, John Campbell of Ballimore, Simon 
Fraser of Inverallochy, Donald Macdonald, brother of Clanran- 
ald, John Macdonell of Lochgarry, Alexander Cameron of Dun- 
gallon, Thomas Ross of Culrossie, Thomas Fraser of Strui, Alex- 
ander Fraser of Culduthel, Sir Henry Seton of Abercorn and Cul- 
beg, James Fraser of Belladrum; capt.-Lieut. : Simon Fraser > 
lieutenants: Alexander Macleod, Hugh Cameron, Ronald Mac- 
donell, son of Keppoch, Charles Macdonell, from Glengarry, Rod- 
erick Macneil of Barra, William Macdonell, Archibald Campbell, 
son of Glenlyon, John Fraser of Balnain, Hector Macdonald, 
brother of Boisdale, Allan Stewart, son of Innernaheil, John Fra- 
ser, Alexander Macdonald, son of Boisdale, Alexander Fraser, 
Alexander Campbell of Aross, John Douglas, John Nairn, Ar- 
thur Rose, Alexander Fraser, John Macdonell of Leeks, Cosmo 
Gordon, David Baillie, Charles Stewart, Ewen Cameron, Allan 
Cameron, John Cuthbert, Simon Fraser, Archibald Macallister, 
James Murray, Alexander Fraser, Donald Cameron, son of Fassi- 
fern ; ensigns : John Chisolm, Simon Fraser, Malcolm Fraser, 
Hugh Fraser, Robert Menzies, John Fraser of Errogie, James 
Mackenzie, Donald Macneil, Henry Munro, Alexander Gregor- 
son, Ardtornish, James Henderson, John Campbell; chaplain: 
Robert Macpherson; adjutant: Hugh Fraser; quarter-master: 
John Fraser ; surgeon : John Maclean. 

"The uniform of the regiment was the full Highland dress 
with musket and broad-sword, to which many of the soldiers 
added the dirk at their own expense, and a purse of badger's or 
otter's skin. The bonnet was raised or cocked on one side, with a 
slight bend inclining down to the right ear, over which were sus- 
pended two or more black feathers. Eagle's or hawk's feathers 
were usually worn by the gentlemen, in the Highlands, while the 
bonnets of the common people were ornamented with a bunch of 
the distinguishing mark of the clan or district. The ostrich feath- 
ers in the bonnets of the soldiers were a modern addition of that 

The regiment was quickly marched to Greenock, where it 
embarked, in company with Montgomery's Highlanders, and 
landed at Halifax in June 1757, where it remained till it formed 
a junction with the expedition against Louisbourg. The regi- 

*Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 66. 



ment was quartered between Canada and Nova Scotia till the con- 
clusion of the war. On all occasions they sustained a uniform 
character for unshaken firmness, incorruptible probity and a strict 
regard to their duties. The men were always anxious to conceal 
their misdemeanors from the Caipal Mohr, as they called the 
chaplain, from his large size. 

When The Black Watch landed in New York they attracted 
much notice, particularly on the part of the Indians, who, on the 
march of the regiment to Albany, flocked from all quarters to see 
strangers, whom, from the somewhat similarity of dress, they be- 
lieved to be of the same extraction with themselves, and there- 
fore considered them to be brothers. 

During the whole of 1756 the 
regiment remained inactive in Albany. 
The winter and spring of 1757 they 
were drilled and disciplined for bush- 
fighting and sharpshooting, a species 
of warfare then necessary and for 
which they were well fitted, being in 
general good marksmen, and expert 
in the management of their arms. 

In the month of June, 1757, lord 
Loudon, who had been appointed 
commander-in-chief of the army in 
North America, with the 226, 426., 
44th, 48th, 2d and 4th battalions of 
the 60th, together with six hundred 
Rangers, making in all five thousand 
and three hundred men, embarked for 
Halifax, where his force was in- 
creased to ten thousand and five hun- 
dred men by the addition of five regi- 
ments lately arrived from England, 
which included Fraser's and Mont- 
gomery's Highlanders. ■ When on the 
eve of his departure for an attack on 
Louisburg, information was received 

Highland Officer. 


that the Brest fleet, consisting of seventeen sail of the line, be- 
sides frigates, had arrived in the harbor of that fortress. Letters, 
which had been captured in a vessel bound from Louisburg to 
France, revealed that the force was too great to be encountered. 
Lord Loudon abandoned the enterprise and soon after returned to 
New York taking with him the Highlanders and four other regi- 

By the addition of three new companies and the junction of 
seven hundred recruits "The Black Watch" or 42nd, was now 
augmented to upwards of thirteen hundred men, all Highland- 
ers, for at that period, none others were admitted. 

During the absence of lord Loudon, Montcalm, the French 
commander, was very active, and collecting all his disposable 
forces, including Indians, and a large train of artillery, amount- 
ing in all to more than eight thousand men, laid seige to Fort 
William Henry, under the command of Colonel Munro. Some 
six miles distant was Fort Edward, garrisoned by four thousand 
men under General Webb. The seige was conducted with great 
vigor and within six days Colonel Munro surrendered, conditioned 
on not serving again for eighteen months, and allowed to march 
out of the fort with their arms and two field pieces. As soon as 
they were without the gate the Indians fell upon them and com- 
mitted all sorts of outrages and barbarities, — the Freeh being un- 
able to restrain them. 

Thus terminated the campaign of 1757 in America, undistin- 
guished by any act which might compensate for the loss of terri- 
tory or the sacrifice of lives. With an inferior force the French had 
been successful at every point, and besides having obtained com- 
plete control of Lakes George and Champlain, the destruction of 
Oswego gave the dominion of those lakes, which are connected 
with the St. Lawrence, to the Mississippi, thus opening a direct 
communication between Canada and the southwest. 

Lord Loudon having been recalled, the command of the army 
again devolved on General James Abercromby. Determined to 
wipe off the disgrace of former campaigns, the new ministry, 
which had just come into power, fitted out, in 1758, a great naval 


and military force consisting of fifty-two thousand men. To the 
military staff were added Major-General Amherst, and Brigadier- 
General's Wolfe, Townsend and Murray. Three expeditions were 
proposed : the first to renew the attempt on Louisburg ; the second 
directed against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and the third 
against Fort du Quesne. 

General Abercromby took command, in person, of the expedi- 
tion against Ticonderoga, with a force of fifteen thousand three 
hundred and ninety men, of whom over six thousand were regu- 
lars, the rest being provincials, besides a train of artillery. 
Among the regulars must be reckoned the 42d Highlanders. Ti- 
conderoga, situated on a point of land between Lake George and 
Lake Champlain is surrounded on three sides by water, and on 
one-half of the fourth by a morass. The remaining part of the 
fort was protected by high entrenchments, supported and flanked 
by three batteries, and the whole front of that which was access- 
ible intersected by deep traverses, and blocked up with felled 
trees, with their branches turned outwards, and their points sharp- 

On July 5th the army struck their tents at daybreak, and in 
nine hundred small boats and one hundred and thirty-five whale- 
boats, with artillery mounted on rafts, embarked on Lake George. 
The fleet in stately procession, bright with banners and cheered 
by martial music, moved down the beautiful lake, beaming with 
hope and pride. The solemn forests were broken by the echoes of 
the happy soldiery. There was no one to molest them, and victory 
was their one desire. Over the broader expanse they passed to the 
first narrows, witnessing the mountains rising from the water's 
edge, the dark forest, and the picturesque loveliness of the scene. 
Long afterwards General John Stark recounted that when they 
had halted at Sabbathday Point at twilight, lord Howe, reclining 
in his tent on a bearskin, and bent on winning a hero's name, ques- 
tioned him closely as to the position of Ticonderoga and the fittest 
modes of attack. 

After remaining five hours at their resting place, the army, 
an hour before midnight, moved once more down the lake, and by 


nine the next morning, disembarked on the west side, in a cove 
sheltered by a point which still keeps the name of Lord Howe. 
The troops were formed into two parallel columns and marched 
on the enemy's advanced posts, which were abandoned without a 
shot. The march was continued in the same order, but the guides 
proving ignorant, the columns came in contact, and were thrown 
into confusion. A detachment of the enemy which had also be- 
come bewildered in the woods, fell in with the right column, at 
the head of which was lord Howe, and during the skirmish which 
ensued, Howe was killed. Abercromby ordered the army to 
march back to the landing place. 

Montcalm, ever alert, was ready to receive the English 
army. On July 6th he called in all his parties, and when united 
amounted to two thousand eight hundred French and four hun- 
dred and fifty Canadians. On the 7th the whole army toiled in- 
credibly in strengthening their defenses. On the same evening 
De Levi returned from the projected expedition against the Mo- 
hawks, bringing with him four hundred chosen men. On the 
morning of the 8th, the drums of the French beat to arms, that the 
troops, now thirty-six hundred and fifty in number, might know 
their stations and resume their work. 

The strongest regiment in the army of Abercrombie was the 
42nd Highlanders, fully equipped, in their native dress. The offi- 
cers wore a narrow gold braiding round their tunics, all other 
lace being laid aside to make them less conspicuous to the French 
and Canadian riflemen. The sergeants wore silver lace on their 
coats, and carried the Lochaber axe, the head of which was fitted 
for hewing, hooking or spearing an enemy, or such other work as 
might be found before the ramparts of Ticonderoga. Many of 
the men had been out in the Rising of the Forty-five. 

When Abercrombie received information from some prison- 
ers that De Levi was about to reinforce Montcalm, he determined, 
if possible to strike a blow before a junction could be effected. Re- 
port also having reached him that the entrenchments were still un- 
finished, and might be assaulted with prospects of success, he im- 
mediately made the necessary dispositions for attack. The British 


commander, remaining far behind during the action, put the armj 
in motion, on the 8th, the regulars advancing through the open- 
ings of the provincials, and taking the lead. The pickets were fol- 
lowed by the grenadiers, supported by the battalions and reserve, 
which last consisted of the Highlanders and 55th regiment, ad- 
vanced with great alacrity towards the entrenchments, which they 
found much more formidable than they expected. As the British 
advanced, Montcalm, who stood just within the trenches, threw 
off his coat for the sunny work of the July afternoon, and forbade 
a musket to be fired until he had given the order. When the 
British drew very near, in three principal columns, to attack 
simultaneously the left, the center, and the right, they became en- 
tangled among the rubbish and broken into disorder by clamber- 
ing over logs and projecting limbs. The quick eye of Montcalm 
saw the most effective moment had come, and giving the word of 
command, a sudden and incessant fire of swivels and small arms 
mowed down brave officers and men by hundreds. The intrepid- 
ity of the English made the carnage terrible. With the greatest 
vivacity the attacks were continued all the afternoon. Wherever 
the French appeared to be weak, Montcalm immediately strength- 
ened them. Regiment after regiment was hurled against the be- 
seiiged, only to be hurled back with the loss of half their number. 

The Scottish Highlanders, held in the reserve, from the very 
first were impatient of the restraint ; but when they saw the column 
fall back, unable longer to control themselves, and emulous of 
sharing the danger, broke away and pushed forward to the front, 
and with their broadswords and Lochaber axes endeavored to cut 
through the abattis and chevaux-de-frize. For three hours the 
Highlanders struggled without the least appearance of discour- 
agement. After a long and deadly struggle they penetrated the 
exterior defences and reached the breastwork; having no scaling 
ladders, they attempted to gain the summit by mounting on each 
others shoulders and partly by fixing their feet in holes they made 
with their swords, axes and bayonets in the face of the work, but 
no sooner did a man appear on top than he was hurled down by 
the defending troops. Captain John Campbell, with a few men, at 


length forced their way over the breastwork, but were immed- 
iately dispatched with the bayonet. 

While the Highlanders and grenadiers were fighting without 
faltering and without confusion on'the French left, the columns 
which had attacked the center and right, at about five o'clock, con- 
centrated themselves at a point between the two ; but De Levi ad- 
vanced from the right and Montcalm brought up the reserve. At 
six the two parties nearest the water turned desperately against 
the center, and being repulsed, made a last effort on the left, 
where, becoming bewildered, the English fired on an advanced 
party of their own, producing hopeless dejection. 

The British general, during the confusion of battle cowered 
safely at the saw-mills, and when his presence was needed to rally 
the fugitives, was nowhere to be found. The second in command, 
unable to seize the opportunity, gave no commands. The High- 
landers persevered in their undertaking and did not relinquish 
their labors until they received the third order to retreat, when 
they withdrew, unmolested, and carrying with them the whole of 
their wounded. 

The loss sustained by the 42nd was as follows : eight officers, 
nine sergeants and two hundred and ninety-seven men killed ; and 
seventeen officers, ten sergeants and three hundred and six sol- 
diers wounded. The officers killed were Major Duncan Campbell 
of Inveraw, Captain John Campbell, Lieutenants George Farqu- 
harson, Hugh MacPherson, William Baillie, and John Sutherland; 
Ensigns Patrick Stewart of Bonskied and George Rattray. The 
wounded were Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graham of 
Duchray, John Campbell of Strachur, James Stewart of Urrad, 
James Murray; Lieutenants James Grant, Robert Gray, John 
Campbell of Melford, William Grant, John Graham, brother of 
Duchray, Alexander Campbell, Alexander Mackintosh, Archibald 
Campbell, David Miller, Patrick Balneaves; and Ensigns John 
Smith and Peter Grant. 

The intrepid conduct of the Highlanders, in the storming of 
Ticonderoga, was made the topic of universal panegyric through- 
out the whole of Great Britain, the public prints teeming with 


honorable mention of, and testimonies to their bravery. Among 
these General Stewart copies* the two following : 

"With a mixture of esteem, grief and envy (says an officer of 
the 55th, lord Howe's regiment), I consider the great loss and im- 
mortal glory acquired by the Scots Highlanders in the late bloody 
affair. Impatient for orders, they rushed forward to the entrench- 
ments, which many of them actually mounted. They appeared 
like lions, breaking from their chains. Their intrepidity was 
rather animated than damped by seeing their comrades fall on 
every side. I have only to say of them, that they seemed more 
anxious to revenge the cause of their deceased friends, than care- 
ful to avoid the same fate. By their assistance, we expect soon to 
give a good account of the enemy and of ourselves. There is 
much harmony and friendship between us." "The attack (says 
Lieutenant William Grant of the 42nd) began a little past one in 
the afternoon, and, about two, the fire became general on both 
sides, which was exceedingly heavy, and without any intermis- 
sion, insomuch that the oldest soldier present never saw so fur- 
ious and incessant a fire. The affair at Fontenoy was nothing to 
it. I saw both. We labored under insurmountable difficulties. 
The enemy's breastwork was about nine or ten feet high, upon the 
top of which they had plenty of wall pieces fixed, and which was 
well lined in the inside with small arms. But the difficult access 
to their lines was what gave them the fatal advantage over us. 
They took care to cut down monstrous large oak trees, which cov- 
ered all the ground from the foot of their breastwork about the 
distance of a cannon shot every way in their front. This not only 
broke our ranks, and made it impossible for us to keep our order, 
but put it entirely out of our power to advance till we cut our way 
through. I have seen men behave with courage and resolution 
before now, but so much determined bravery can hardly be 
equalled in any part of the history of ancient Rome. Even those 
that were mortally wounded cried aloud to their companions, not 
to mind or lose a thought upon them, but to follow their officers, 
and to mind the honor of their country. Nay, their ardor was 
such, that it was difficult to bring them off. They paid dearly for 
their intrepidity. The remains of the regiment had the honor to 
cover the retreat of the army, and brought off the wounded, as we 
did at Fontenoy. When shall we have so fine a regiment again? 
I hope we shall be allowed to recruit." 

The English outnumbered the French four-fold, and with 

*Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. I, p. 289. 


their artillery, which was near at hand, could have forced a pas- 
sage. "Had I to besiege Ticonderoga," said Montcalm, "I would 
ask for but six mortars and two pieces of artillery." But Aber- 
crombie, that evening, hurried the army to the landing place, with 
such precipitancy, that but for the alertness of Colonel Bradstreet, 
it would at once have rushed in a mass into the boats. On the 
morning of the 9th the army embarked and Abercrombie did not 
rest until he had placed the lake between himself and Montcalm, 
and even then he sent the artillery and ammunition to Albany for 

The expedition against Louisburg, under Major-General Jef- 
frey Amherst, set sail from Halifax on May 28, 1758. It was 
joined by the fleet under Admiral Boscawen. The formidable 
armament consisted of twenty-five sail of the line, eighteen frig- 
ates, and a number of bomb and fire ships, with the Royals, 15th, 
17th, 22nd, 28th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 47th, 48th, 58th, the 2d and 3d 
battalions of the 60th, 78th Highlanders, and New England Ran- 
gers, — in all, thirteen thousand and nine men. On June 2nd the 
vessels anchored in Garbarus Bay, seven miles from Louisburg. 
The garrison, under the Chevalier Ducour, consisted of twenty- 
five hundred regulars, six hundred militia, and four hundred Can- 
adians and Indians. The harbor was protected by six ships of 
the line and five frigates, three of the latter being sunk at its 
mouth. The English ships were six days on the coast before a 
landing could be attempted, on account of a heavy surf continually 
rolling with such violence, that no boat could approach the shore. 
The violence of the surf having somewhat abated, a landing was 
effected on June 8th. The troops were disposed for landing in 
three divisions. That on the left, which was destined for the real 
attack, commanded by Brigadier General Wolfe, was composed of 
the grenadiers and light infantry, and the 78th, or Fraser's High- 
landers. While the boats containing this division were being 
rowed ashore, the other two divisions on the right and center, 
commanded by Brigadier Generals Whitmore and Lawrence, 
made a show of landing, in order to divide and distract the enemy. 
The landing place was occupied by two thousand men entrenched 


behind a battery of eight pieces of cannon and swivels. The 
enemy wisely reserved their fire till the boats were close to the 
shore, and then directed their discharge of cannon and musketry 
with considerable execution. The surf aided the fire. Many of 
the boats were upset or dashed to pieces on the rocks, and numbers 
of the men were killed or drowned before land was reached. 
Captain Baillie and Lieutenant Cuthbert of the Highlanders, 
Lieutenant Nicholson of Amherts, and thirty-eight men were 
killed. Notwithstanding the great disadvantages, 'nothing could 
stop the troops when led by such a general as Wolfe. Some of 
the light infantry and Highlanders were first ashore, and drove 
all before them. The rest followed, and soon pursued the enemy 
to a distance of two miles, when they were checked by the canon- 
ading from the town. 

In this engagement the French lost seventeen pieces of can- 
non, two mortars, and fourteen swivels, besides seventy-three 
prisoners. The cannonading from the town enabled Wolfe to 
prove the range of the enemy's guns, and to judge of the exact 
distance at which he might make his camp for investing the town. 
The regiments then took post at the positions assigned them. For 
some days operations went on slowly. The sea was so rough that 
the landing of stores from the fleet was much retarded ; and it was 
not until the nth that the six pounder field pieces were landed. Six 
days later a squadron was fairly blown out to sea by the tempest. 
By the 24th the chief engineer had thirteen twenty-four pounders 
in position against the place. The first operation was to secure a 
point called Lighthouse Battery, the guns from which could play 
upon the ships and on the batteries on the opposite side of the 
harbor. On the 12th this point was captured by Wolfe at the 
head of his gallant Fraser's and flank companies, with but little 
loss. On the 25th, the fire from this post silenced the island bat- 
tery immediately opposite. An incessant fire, however, was kept 
up from the other batteries and shipping of the enemy. On July 
9th the enemy made a sortie on General Lawrence's brigade, but 
were quickly repulsed. In this affair, the earl of Dundonald was 
killed. There were twenty other casualities. The French captain 
who led the attack, with seventeen of his men, was also killed. 


On the 1 6th, Wolfe pushed forward some grenadiers and High- 
landers, and took possession of the hills in front of the Light- 
house battery, where a lodgement was made under a fire from the 
town and the ships. On the 2ist one of the French ships was set 
on fire by a bombshell and blew up, and the fire being communi- 
cated to two others, they were burned to the water's edge. The 
fate of the town was now almost decided, the enemy's fire nearly 
silenced and the fortifications shattered to the ground. All that 
now remained in the reduction was to get possession of the har- 
bor, by taking or burning the two ships of the line which re- 
mained. For this purpose the admiral, on the night of July 25th 
sent six hundred seamen in boats, with orders to take, or burn, the 
two ships of the line that remained in the harbor, resolving if they 
succeeded to send in some of his larger vessels to bombard the 
town. This enterprise was successfully executed by the seamen 
under Captains Laforey and Balfour, in the face of a terrible fire 
of cannon and musketry. One of the ships was set on fire and the 
other towed off. On the 26th the town surrendered ; the garrison 
and seamen amounted to five thousand six hundred and thirty- 
seven, besides one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, eighteen 
mortars, seven thousand five hundred stand of arms, eleven colors, 
and eleven ships of war. The total loss of the English army and 
fleet, during the siege amounted to five hundred and twenty-five. 
Besides Captain Baillie and Lieutenant Cuthbert the Highlanders 
lost Lieutenant J. Alexander Fraser and James Murray, killed; 
Captain Donald MacDonald, Lieutenant Alexander Campbell 
(Barcaldine) and John MacDonald, wounded; and sixty-seven 
rank and file killed and wounded. 

The third expedition was against Fort du Quesne, undertaken 
by Brigadier General John Forbes. Although the point of at- 
tack was less formidable and the enemy inferior in numbers to 
those at either Ticonderoga or Louisburg, yet the difficulties were 
greater, owing to the great extent of country to be traversed, 
through woods without roads, over mountains and through al- 
most impassable morasses. The army consisted of six thousand 
two hundred and thirty-eight men, composed of Montgomery's 


Highlanders, twelve hundred and eighty-four strong, five hun- 
dred and fifty-five of the Royal Americans, and four thousand 
four hundred provincials. Among the latter were the two Vir- 
ginia regiments, nineteen hundred strong, under the command of 
Washington. Yet vast as were the preparations of the army, 
Forbes never would have seen the Ohio had it not been for the 
genius of Washington, although then but twenty-six years of age. 
The army took up its line of march from Philadelphia in July, 
and did not reach Raystown until the month of September, when 
they were still ninety miles distant from Fort du Quesne. It was 
Washington's earnest advice that 'the army should advance with 
celerity along Braddock's road; but other advice prevailed, and 
the army commemorated its march by moving slowly and con- 
structing a new route to the Ohio. Thus the summer was frit- 
tered away. While Washington's forces joined the main army, 
Boquet was detached with two thousand men to take post at Loyal 
Hanna, fifty miles in advance. Here intelligence was received 
that the French garrison consisted of but eight hundred men, of 
whom three hundred were Indians. The vainglory of Boquet, 
without the consent or knowledge of his superior officer urged 
him to send forward a party of four hundred Highlanders and a 
company of Virginians under Major James Grant to reconnoitre. 
Major Grant divided his troops, and when near the fort, ad- 
vanced with pipes playing and drums beating, as if he was on a 
visit to a friendly town. The enemy did not wait to be attacked, 
but instantly marched out of their works and invited the conflict. 
The Highlanders threw off their coats and charged sword in 
hand. At first the French gave way, but rallied and surrounded 
the detachment on all sides. Being concealed in the thick foliage, 
their heavy and destructive fire could not be returned with any 
effect. Major Grant was taken in an attempt to force into the 
woods, where he observed the thickest of the fire. On losing their 
commander, and so many officers killed and wounded, the High- 
landers dispersed, and were only saved from utter ruin by the pro- 
vincials. Only one hundred and fifty of the Highlanders suc- 
ceeded in making their way back to Loyal Hanna. 


In this battle, fought September 14, 1758, two hundred and 
thirty-one Highlander's were killed and wounded. The officers 
killed were Captain William Macdonald and George Munro; 
Lieutenants Alexander Mackenzie, William Mackenzie, Robert 
Mackenzie, Colin Campbell, and Alexander Macdonald; and the 
wounded were Captain Hugh Mackenzie, Lieutenants Alexander 
Macdonald, Archibald Robertson, Henry Munro, and Ensigns 
John Macdonald and Alexander Grant. 

General Forbes did not reach Loyal Hanna until November 
5th, and there a council of war determined that no farther ad- 
vance should be made for that season. But Washington had plead 
that owing to his long intimacy with these woods, and his famil- 
iarity with the difficulties and all the passes should be allowed the 
responsibility of commanding the first party. This having been 
denied him, he prevailed on the commander to be allowed to make 
a second advance. His brigade was of provincials, and they toiled 
cheerfully by his side, infusing his own spirit into the men he 
commanded. Over the hills white with snow, his troops poorly 
fed and poorly clothed toiled onward. His movements were 
rapid: on November 15th he was at Chestnut Ridge; and the 17th 
at Bushy Run. As he drew near Fort du Ouesne, the disheart- 
ened garrison, about five hundred in number, set fire to the fort, 
and by the flight of the conflagration, descended the Ohio. On the 
25th Washington could point out to the army the junction of the 
rivers, and entering the fortress, they planted the British colors 
on the deserted ruins. As the banner of England floated over the 
Ohio, the place was with one voice named Pittsburg, in honor of 
the great English premier William Pitt. 

The troops under Washington were accompanied by a body 
of Highlanders. On the morning of November 25th, the army 
advanced with the provincials in the front. They entered upon an 
Indian path, "Upon each side of which a number of stakes, with 
the bark peeled off, were stuck into the earth, and upon each stake 
was fixed the head and kilt of a Highlander who had been killed 
or taken prisoner at Grant's defeat. The provincials, being front, 
obtained the first view of these horrible spectacles, which it may 
readily be believed, excited no kindly feelings in their breasts. 


They passed along, however, without any manifestation of their 
violent wrath. But as soon as the Highlanders came in sight of 
the remains of their countrymen, a slight buzz was heard in their 
ranks, which rapidly swelled and grew louder and louder. Exas- 
perated not only by the barbarous outrages upon the persons of 
their unfortunate fellow soldiers who had fallen only a few days 
before, but maddened by the insult which was conveyed by the ex- 
hibition of their kilts, and which they well understood, as they had 
long been nicknamed the 'petticoat warriors' by the Indians, their 
wrath knew no bounds. Directly a rapid and violent tramping 
was heard,, and immediately the whole corps of the Highlanders, 
with their muskets abandoned, and broad swords drawn, rushed 
by the provincials, foaming with rage, and resembling, as Captain 
Craighead coarsely expressed it, 'mad boars engaged in battle,' 
swearing vengeance and extermination upon the French troops 
who >had permitted such outrages. Their march was now has- 
tened — the whole army moved forward after the Highlanders, 
and when they arrived somewhere about where the canal now 
passes, the Fort was discovered to be in flames, and the last of the 
boats, with the flying Frenchmen, were seen passing down the 
Ohio by Smoky Island. Great was the disappointment of the ex- 
asperated Highlanders at the escape of the French, and their 
wrath subsided into a sullen and relentless desire for vengeance."* 

The Highlanders passed the winter of 1758 in Pittsburg, and 
in May following marched to the assistance of General Amherst 
in his proceedings at Ticonderoga, Crown Point and the Lakes. 

Before the heroic action of The Black Watch at Ticonderoga 
was known in England, a warrant was issued conferring upon the 
regiment the title of Royal, so that it became known also by the 
name of 42d Royal Highland Regiment, and letters were issued to 
raise a second battalion. So successful were the recruiting offi- 
cers that within three months, seven companies, each one hundred 
and twenty men strong were embodied at Perth in October 1758. 
Although Highlanders only were admitted, yet two officers, anx- 
ious to obtain commissions, enlisted eighteen Irishmen, several of 
whom were O'Donnels, O'Lachlans, O'Briens, &c. The O was 
changed to Mac, and the Milesians passed muster as true Mac- 
donels, Maclachlans, and Macbriars, without being questioned. 

The second battalion immediately embarked at Greenock for 

*The Olden Time, Vol. I, p. 181. 


the West Indies, under the convoy of the Ludlow Castle ; and after 
the reduction of Guadaloupe, it was transferred to New York, and 
in July, 1759, was combined with the first battalion, in order to 
engage in the operations then projected against the French settle- 
ments in Canada. General Wolfe was to proceed up the St. Law- 
rence and besiege Quebec. General Amherst, who had succeeded 
Abercromby as commander-in-chief, was to attempt the reduction 
of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and then effect a junction with 
General Wolfe before Quebec. Brigadier General John Prideaux 
was to proceed against the French fort near the falls of Niagara, 
the most important post of all French America. 

The army first put in motion was that under Amherst, 
which assembled at Fort Edward on June 19th. It included the 
42nd and Montgomery's Highlanders, and when afterwards 
joined by the second battalion of the 42nd, numbered fourteen 
thousand five hundred men. On the 21st, preceded by The Black 
Watch the army moved forward and encamped on Lake George, 
where, during the previous year, the army rested prior to the at- 
tack on Ticonderoga. Considerable time was spent in prepara- 
tions for assaulting this formidable post, but on seeing the prepar- 
ations made by the English generals for a siege, the French set 
fire to the magazines and buildings, and retired to Crown Point. 

The plan of campaign on the part of the French appeared to 
have been to embarrass Amherst by retarding the advance of his 
army, but not to hazard any considerable engagement, nor to al- 
low themselves to be so completely invested as to cut off all retreat. 
The main object of their tactics was so to delay the advance of the 
English that the season for action on the Lakes would pass away 
without showing any decisive advantage on the part of the in- 
vaders, whilst their own forces could be gradually concentrated, 
and thus arrest the progress of Amherst down the St. Lawrence. 

On taking possession of Ticonderoga, which effectually cov- 
ered the frontiers of New York, General Amherst proceeded to 
repair the fortifications; and, while superintending this work, was 
indefatigable in preparing batteaux and other vessels for con- 
veying his troops, and obtaining the superiority on the Lakes. 


Meanwhile the French abandoned Crown Point and retired to 
Isle aux Noix, on the northern extremity of Lake Champlain. 
General Amherst moved forward and took possession of the fort 
which the French had abandoned, and the second battalion of the 
42nd was ordered up. Having gained a naval superiority on Lake 
Champlain the army went into winter quarters at Crown Point. 

The main undertaking of the campaign was the reduction of 
Quebec, by far the most difficult operation, where General Wolfe 
was expected to perform an important part with not more than 
seven thousand effective men. The movement commenced at 
Sandy Hook, Tuesday May 8, 1759 when the expedition set sail 
for Louisburg, under convoy of the Nightingale, the fleet consist- 
ing of about twenty-eight sail, the greater part of which was to 
take in the troops from Nova Scotia, and the rest having on board 
Fraser's Highlanders. They arrived at Louisburg on the 17th. 
and there remained until June 4th, when the fleet again set sail, 
consisting of one hundred and fifty vessels, twenty-two of which 
were ships of the line. They entered the St. Lawrence on the 
13th, and on the 23rd anchored near Isle aux Coudres. On the 
26th, the whole armament arrived off the Isle of Orleans, and the 
next day disembarked. Montcalm depended largely on the nat- 
ural position of the city of Quebec for defence, although he ne- 
glected nothing for his security. Every landing-place was in- 
trenched and protected. At midnight on the 28th a fleet of fire- 
ships came down the tide, but was grappled by the British sol- 
diers and towed them free of the shipping. Point Levi, on the 
night of the 29th was occupied, and batteries constructed, from 
which red-hot balls were discharged, demolishing the lower town 
of Quebec and injuring the upper. But the citadel and every ave- 
nue from the river to the cliff were too strongly entrenched for an 

General Wolfe, enterprising, daring, was eager for battle. 
Perceiving that the eastern bank of the Montmorenci was higher 
than the position of Montcalm, on July 9th he crossed the north 
channel and encamped there; but not a spot on the line of the 
Montmorenci was left unprotected by the vigilant Montcalm. 


General Wolfe planned that two brigades should ford the Mont- 
morenci at the proper time of the tide, while Monckton's regi- 
ments should cross the St. Lawrence in boats from Point Levi. 
The signal was given and the advance made in the face of shot 
and shell. Those who got first on shore, not waiting for support, 
ran hastily towards the entrenchments, and were repulsed in such 
disorder that they could not again come into line. Wolfe was 
compelled to order a retreat. Intrepidity and discipline could not 
overcome the heavy fire of a well protected enemy. In that as- 
sault, which occurred on July 31st, Wolfe lost four hundred in 

General Murray was next sent with twelve hundred men, 
above the town, to destroy the French ships and open communica- 
cation with General Amherst. They learned that Niagara had 
surrendered and that Ticonderoga and Crown Point had been 
abandoned. But General Wolfe looked in vain for General Am- 
herst. The commander-in-chief, opposed by no more than three 
thousand men, was loitering at Crown Point; nor was even a 
messenger received from him. The heroic Wolfe was left to 
struggle alone against odds and difficulties which every hour made 
more appalling. Every one able to bear arms was in the field 
fighting for their homes, their language, and their religion. Old 
men of seventy and boys of fifteen fired at the English detach- 
ments from the edges of the woods. 

The feeble frame of General Wolfe, disabled by fever, be- 
gan to sink under the fearful strain. He laid before his chief offi- 
cers three desperate methods of attacking Montcalm, all of which 
they opposed, but proposed to convey five thousand men above 
the town, and thus draw Montcalm from his intrenchments. Gen- 
eral Wolfe acquiesced and prepared to carry it into effect. On 
the 5th and 6th of September he marched the army from Point 
Levi, and embarked in transports, resolving to land at the point 
that ever since has borne his name, and take the enemy by sur- 
prise. Every officer knew his appointed duty, when at one o'clock 
on the morning of the 13th, about half the army glided down with 
the tide. When the cove was reached, General Wolfe and the 


troops with him leaped ashore, and clambered up the steep hill, 
holding by the roots and boughs of the maple, spruce and ash 
trees, that covered the declivity, and with but little difficulty dis- 
persed the picket which guarded the height. At daybreak General 
Wolfe, with his battalions, stood on the plains of Abraham. 
When the news was carried to Montcalm, he said, "They have at 
last got to the weak side of this miserable garrison ; we must give 
battle, and crush them before mid-day." Before ten o'clock the 
two opposing armies were ranged in each other's presence. The 
English, five thousand strong, were all regulars, perfect in disci- 
pline, terrible in their fearless enthusiasm, and commanded by a 
man whom they obeyed with confidence and admiration. Mont- 
calm had but five weak battalions of two thousand men, mingled 
with disorderly peasantry. The French with three and the Eng- 
lish with two small pieces of artillery cannonaded each other for 
nearly an hour. 

Montcalm led the French army impetuously to the attack. 
The ill-disciplined companies broke by their precipitation and the 
unevenness of the ground, fired by platoons without unity. The 
English received the shock with calmness, reserving their fire 
until the enemy were within forty yards, when they began a regu- 
lar, rapid firing. Montcalm was everywhere, braving dangers, 
though wounded, cheered others by his example. The Canadians 
flinching from the hot fire, gave way when General Wolfe placing 
himself at the head of two regiments, charged with bayonets. 
General Wolfe was wounded three times, the third time mortally. 
"Support me," he cried to an officer near him; "let not my brave 
fellows see me drop." He was carried to the rear. "They run, 
they run," cried the officer on whom he leaned. "Who run?" 
asked Wolfe, as his life was fast ebbing. "The French," replied 
the officer, "give way everywhere." "What," cried the dying 
hero, "do they run already? Go, one of you, to Colonel Burton; 
bid him march Webb's regiment with all speed to Charles River to 
cut off the fugitives." "Now, God be praised, I die happy," were 
the last words be uttered. The heroic Montcalm, struck by a mus- 
ket ball, continued in the engagement, till attempting to rally a 


body of fugitive Canadians, was mortally wounded. On Septem- 
ber 17th, the city surrendered. 

The rapid sketch thus given does not represent the part taken 
by Fraser's Highlanders. Fortunately Lieutenant Malcolm Fraser 
kept a journal, and from it the following is gleaned : June 30th, 
the Highlanders with Kennedy's or the 43rd, crossed the river 
and joined the 15th, or Amhersts', with some Rangers, marched 
to Point Levi, having numerous skirmishes on the way. Captain 
Campbell posted his company in St. Joseph's church, and there 
fired a volley upon an assaulting party. On Sunday, July 1st, the 
regiment was cannonaded by some floating batteries, losing four 
killed and eight wounded. On the 9th, before daylight, the High- 
landers struck tents at Point Levi, and marched out of sight of trie 
town. On the nth three men were wounded by the fire of the 
great guns from the city. On the 21st, it was reported that four- 
teen privates of Fraser's Highlanders were wounded by the Royal 
Americans, having, in the dark, mistaken them for the enemy. 
On the night of July 24th, Colonel Fraser, with a detachment of 
about three hundred and fifty men of his regiment, marched down 
the river, in order to take up such prisoners and cattle as might 
be found. Lieutenant Alexander Fraser, Jr., returned to the 
camp with the information that Colonel Fraser had been wounded 
by a shot from some Canadians in ambush; and the same shot 
wounded Captain MacPherson ; both of whom returned that day 
to camp. On the 27th the detachment returned bringing three 
women and one man prisoners, and almost two hundred cattle. 
July 31st Fraser's and Amherst's regiments embarked in boats at 
Point Levi and landed on the Montmorenci, where, on that day, 
General Wolfe fought the battle of Beauport Flats, in which he 
lost seven hundred killed and wounded. His retreat was covered 
by the Highlanders, without receiving any hurt, although exposed 
to a battery of two cannons which kept a very brisk fire upon 
them. The regiment went to the island of Orleans, and on 
August 1st to Point Levi. On Wednesday, August 15th, 
Captain John MacDonell, seven subalterns, eight sergeants, 
eight corporals and one hundred and * forty-four men of 


Fraser's regiment, crossed from Poinl Levi to the Island of Or- 
leans and Lodged in the church of St. Peter's, and the next day 

inarched to the east end of the island, and on the 17th crossed tO 
St. Joachim, where they met with slight resistance. They for- 
tified the Priest's house, and were not reinforced until the 23rd, 
and then all marched to attack the village, which was captured, 
with "a few prisoners taken, all of whom the harharons Captain 
Montgomery, who commanded us, ordered to he butchered in a 
most inhuman and cruel manner. . . . After this skirmish 

we set about burning the houses with great success, setting all in 

flames till we came tO the church of St. Anne's, where we put np 
for this night, and were joined by Captain ROSS, with about one 
hundred and twenty men o\ his company." The work of devasta- 
tion continued the following day, until the forces reached AngC 

Gardien. August 28, Captain MacDonell with Captain Ross took 

post at Chateau Richer. September 1st, Chateau Richer was 
binned, and the force marched to Montinorenci, burning all the 
houses on the way. On the 2nd the Highlanders returned to their 

camp at Poinl Levi. Captain Alexander Cameron o\ Dungallon 
died on the 3rd. < hi the 4th Captain Alexander Fraser ^\ Culd- 
uthell arrived with a fourteenth company to the regiment. On 
the 6th a detachment oi six hundred Highlanders with the [5th 
and i^id reqiinents. marched five miles above Poinl Levi and then 
crossed the river iii crowded vessels, but for several days remained 
mostly on board the ships. On September 17th, the Highlanders 

landed at Wolfe's Cove, with the rest of the arniv, ami were soon 
On the plains of Abraham. \\ hen the main body ot the French 

commenced to retreat "our regiment were then ordered by Brig- 

adier General Murray tO draw their swords and pursue them; 
which I dare say increased their panic but saved many oi their 

lives. * * 1 in advancing we passed over a greal many dead 
and wounded (French regulars mostly) lying in the front of our 
regiment, who,- I mean the Highlanders- to do them justice be 
haved extremely well all day, as did the whole of the army. 
After pursuing the French to the very gates of the town, our regi- 
ment was ordered to form fronting the town, on the ground 
whereon the blench formed lirst. At this time the rest of the 

army came up iii good order. General Murray having then put 


himself at the head of our regiment ordered them to face to the 
left and march thro' the bush of wood, towards the General Hos- 
pital, when they got a great gun or two to play upon us from the 
town, which however did no damage, but we had a few men killed 
and officers wounded by some skulking fellows, with small arms, 
from the bushes and behind the houses in the suburbs of St. Louis 
and St. John's. After marching a short way through the bush, 
Brigadier Murray thought proper to order us to return again to 
the high road leading from Porte St. Louis, to the heights of Abra- 
ham, where the battle was fought, and after marching till we got 
clear of the bushes, we were ordered to turn to the right, and go 
along the edge of them towards the bank at the descent between 
us and the General Hospital, under which we understood there 
was a body of the enemy who, no sooner saw us, than they began 
firing on us from the bushes and from the bank ; we soon dis- 
possessed them from the bushes, and from thence kept firing for 
about a quarter of an hour on those under cover of the bank ; but, 
as they exceeded us greatly in numbers, they killed and wounded 
a great many of our men, and killed two officers, which obliged 
us to retire a little, and form again, when the 58th Regiment with 
the 2nd Battalion of Royal Americans having come up to our 
assistance, all three making about five hundred men, advanced 
against the enemy and drove them first down to the great meadow 
between the hospital and town and afterwards over the river St. 
Charles. It was at this time and while in the bushes that our 
regiment suffered most ; Lieutenant Roderick, McNeill of Barra, 
and Alexander McDonell, and John McDonell, and John Mc- 
Pherson, volunteer, with many of our men, were killed before we 
were reinforced ; and Captain Thomas Ross having gone down 
with about one hundred men of the 3rd Regiment to the meadow, 
after the enemy, when they were out of reach, ordered me up to 
desire those on the height would wait till he would come up and 
join them, which I did, but before Mr. Ross could get up, he 
unfortunately was mortally wounded. * * * We had of our 
regiment three officers killed and ten wounded, one of whom Cap- 
tain Simon Fraser, afterwards died. Lieutenant Archibald 
Campbell was thought to have been mortally wounded, but to the 
surprise of most people recovered, Captain John McDonell thro' 
both thighs ; Lieut. Ronald McDonell thro' the knee ; Lieutenant 
Alexander Campbell thro' the leg; Lieutenant Douglas thro' 
the arm, who died of this wound soon afterwards ; Ensign 
Gregorson, Ensign McKenzie and Lieutenant Alexander Fraser, 
all slightly, I received a contusion in the right shoulder or 


rather breast, before the action become general, which pained 
me a good deal, but it did not disable me from my duty then, or 

The detachment of our regiment consisted, at our marching 
from Point Levi, of six hundred men, besides commissioned and 
non commissioned officers; but of these, two officers and about 
sixty men were left on board for want of boats, and an officer 
and about thirty men left at the landing place; besides a few left 
sick on board, so that we had about five hundred men in the 
action. We suffered in men and officers more than any three 
regiments in the field. We were commanded by Captain John 
Campbell ; the Colonel and Captain McPherson having been un- 
fortunately wounded on the 25th July, of which they were not 
yet fully recovered. We lay on our arms all the night of the 13th 

On the 14th the Highlanders pitched their tents on the bat- 
tlefield, within reach of the guns of the town. On the following 
day they were ordered to camp near the wood, at a greater dis- 
tance from the town. Here, within five hundred yards of the 
town, they commenced to make redoubts. After the surrender 
of Quebec the Highlanders marched into the city and there took 
up their quarters. On February 13, 1760, in an engagement with 
the French at Point Levi, Lieutenant McNeil was killed, and 
some of the soldiers wounded. March 18th Captain Donald Mc- 
Donald, with some detachments, in all five hundred men, attacked 
the French posts at St. Augustin, and without loss took eighty 
prisoners, and that night returned to Quebec. 

Scurvy, occasioned by salt provisions and cold, made fierce 
work in the garrison, and in the army scarce a man was free from 
it. On April 30th a return of Fraser's Highlanders, in the garri- 
son at Quebec, showed three hundred and fourteen fit for duty, 
five hundred and eighty sick, and one hundred and six dead since 
September 18:, 1759. 

April 27th, the French under De Levi, in strong force ad- 
vanced against the English, the latter being forced to withdraw 
within the walls of Quebec. Fraser's Highlanders was one of 
the detachments sent to cover the retreat of the army, which was 
effected without loss. At half-past six, the next morning Gen- 
eral Murray marched out and formed his army on the heights of 


Abraham. The left wing was under Colonel Simon Fraser com- 
posed of the Highlanders, the 43rd, and the 23rd Welsh Fusiliers. 
The Highlanders were exposed to a galling fire from the bushes 
in front and flank and were forced to fall back; and every regi- 
ment made the best of its way into the city. The British loss was 
two hundred and fifty-seven killed and seven hundred and sixty- 
one wounded. 

The Highlanders had about four hundred men in the field, 
nearly one-half of whom had that day, of their own accord, come 
out of the hospital. Among the killed were Captain Donald 
Macdonald, Lieutenant Cosmo Gordon and fifty-five non-commis- 
sioned officers, pipers and privates; their wounded were Colonel 
Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon, Alexander Fraser, 
Alexander MacLeod, Charles Macdonell; Lieutenants Archibald 
Campbell, son of Glenlyon, Charles Stewart, Hector Macdonald, 
John Macbean, Alexander Fraser, senior, Alexander Campbell, 
John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, junior, Simon Fra- 
ser, senior, Archibald McAlister, Alexander Fraser, John Chis- 
holm, Simon Fraser, junior, Malcolm Fraser, and Donald Mc- 
Neil ; Ensigns Henry Munro, Robert Menzies, Duncan Cameron, 
of Fassifern, William Robertson, Alexander Gregorson and Mal- 
colm Fraser, and one hundred and twenty-nine non-commissioned 
officers and privates. 

Lieutenant Charles Stewart, engaged in the Rising of the 
Forty-Five, in Stewart of Appin's regiment, was severely 
wounded at Culloden. As he lay in his quarters after the battle 
on the heights of Abraham, speaking to some brother officers on 
the recent actions, he exclaimed, "From April battles, and Murray 
generals, good Lord deliver me !" alluding to his wound at Cul- 
loden, where the vanquished blamed lord George Murray for 
fighting on the best field in the country for regular troops, cav- 
alry and artillery; and likewise alluding to his present wound, 
and to General Murray's conduct in marching out of a garrison 
to attack an enemy, more than treble his numbers, in an open 
field, where their whole strength could be brought to act. No 
time was lost in repeating to the general what the wounded offi- 
cer had said ; but Murray, who was a man of humor and of a gen- 


erous mind, on the following morning called on his subordinate, 
and heartily wished him better deliverance in the next battle, 
when he hoped to give him occasion to pray in a different manner. 

On the night of the battle De Levi opened trenches within 
six hundred yards of the walls of the city, and proceeded to be- 
siege the city, while General Murray made preparations for de- 
fence. On May ist the largest of the English blockhouses acci- 
dentally blew up, injuring Captain Cameron. On the 17th the 
French suddenly abandoned their entrenchments. Lord Murray 
pursued but was unable to overtake them. He formed a junction, 
in September with General Amherst. 

General Amherst had been notified of the intended siege of 
Quebec by De Levi ; but only persevered in the tardy plans which 
he had formed. Canada now presented no difficulties only such 
as General Amherst might create. The country was suffering 
from four years of scarcity, a disheartened, starving peasantry, 
and the feeble remains of five or six battalions wasted by incredi- 
ble hardships. Colonel Haviland proceeded from Crown Point 
and took the deserted fort at Isle aux Noix. Colonel Haldimand, 
with the grenadiers, light infantry and a battalion of The Black 
Watch, took post at the bottom of the lake. General Amherst led 
the main body of ten thousand men by way of Oswego ; why, no 
one can tell. The labor of going there was much greater than 
going direct to Montreal. After toiling to Oswego, he proceeded 
cautiously down the St. Lawrence, treating the people humanely, 
and without the loss of life, save while passing the rapids, he met, 
on September 7th, the army of lord Murray before Montreal, the 
latter on his way up from Quebec, intimidated the people and 
amused himself by burning villages and harrying Canadians. On 
the 8th Colonel Haviland joined the forces. Thus the three 
armies came together in overwhelming strength, to take an open 
town of a few hundred inhabitants who were ready to surrender 
on the first appearance of the English. 

The Black Watch, or Royal Highlanders remained in Amer- 
ica until the close of the year 1761. The officers were Lieutenant 
Colonel Francis Grant; Majors, Gordon Graham and John Reid; 
Captains, John McNeil, Allan Campbell, Thomas Graeme, James 


Stewart, James Murray, Thomas Stirling, William Murray, John 
Stuart, Alexander Reid, William Grant, David Haldane, Archi- 
bald Campbell, John Campbell, Kenneth Tolmie, William Cock- 
burne; Captain-Lieutenant, James Grant; Lieutenants, John Gra- 
ham, Alexander Turnbull, Alexander Mcintosh, James Gray, 
John Small, Archibald Campbell, James Campbell, Archibald La- 
mont, David Mills, Simon Blair, David Barclay, Alexander Mac- 
kay, Robert Menzies, Patrick Balneaves, John Campbell, senior, 
John Robertson, John Grant, George Leslie, Duncan Campbell, 
Adam Stuart, George Grant, James Mcintosh, John Smith, Peter 
Grant, Simon Fraser, Alexander Farquharson, John Campbell, 
junior, William Brown, Thomas Fletcher, Elbert Herring, John 
Leith, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Donaldson, Archibald 
Campbell, Patrick Sinclair, John Gregor, Lewis Grant, Archibald 
Campbell, John Graham, Allan Grant, Archibald McNab; En- 
signs, Charles Menzies, John Charles St. Clair, Neil McLean, 
Thomas Cunison, Alexander Gregor, William Grant, George 
Campbell, Nathaniel McCulloch, Daniel Robertson, John 
Sutherland, Charles Grant, Samuel Stull, James Douglass, 
Thomas Scott, Charles Graham, James Robertson, Patrick Mur- 
ray, Lewis Grant; Chaplain, Lauchlan Johnston; Adjutants, 
Alexander Donaldson, John Gregor; Quarter-Masters, John Gra- 
ham, Adam Stewart ; Surgeons, David Hepburn, Robert Drum- 

At the close of the year 1761 The Black Watch, with ten other 
regiments, among which was Montgomery's Highlanders, em- 
barked for Barbadoes, there to join an armament against Martin- 
ique and Havanna. After the surrender of Havanna, the first bat- 
talion of the 42nd, and Montgomery's Highlanders embarked for 
New York, which they reached in the end of October, 1762. Be- 
fore leaving Cuba, all the men of the second battalion of the 42nd, 
fit for service were consolidated with the first, and the remainder 
shipped to Scotland, where they were reduced the follownig year. 

The 42nd, or The Black Watch was stationed at Albany till 
the summer of 1763 when they, with a detachment of Montgom- 
ery's Highlanders and another of the 60th, under command of Col- 
onel Henry Boquet, were sent to the relief of Fort Pitt, then be- 


seiged by the Indians. This expedition consisting of nine hundred 
and fifty-six men, with its convoy, reached Fort Bedford, July 25, 
1763. The whole country in that region was aroused by the dep- 
redations of the Indians. On the 28th Boquet moved his army out 
of Fort Bedford and marched to Fort Ligonier, where he left his 
train, and proceeded with pack-horses. Before them lay a danger- 
ous defile, several miles in length, commanded the whole distance 
by high and craggy hills. On August 5th, when within half a mile 
of Bushy-Run, about one o'clock in the afternoon, after a harass- 
ing march of seventeen miles, they were suddenly attacked by the 
Indians ; but two companies of the 42nd Highlanders drove them 
from their ambuscade. When the pursuit ceased, the savages re- 
turned. These savages fought like men contending for their 
homes, and their hunting grounds. To them it was a crisis which 
they were forced to meet. Again the Highlanders charged them 
with fixed bayonets ; but as soon as they were driven from one post 
they appeared at another, and at last entirely surrounded the Eng- 
lish, and would have entirely cut them off had it not been for the 
cool behavior of the troops and the good manoeuvering of the 
commander. Night came on, and the English remainded on a 
ridge of land, commodious for a camp, except for the total want of 
water. The next morning the army found itself still in a critical 
position. If they advanced to give battle, then their convoy and 
wounded would fall a prey to the enemy ; if they remained quiet, 
they would be picked off one by one, and thus miserably perish. 
Boquet took advantage of the resolute intrepidity of the savages 
by feigning a retreat. The red men hurried to the charge, when 
two companies concealed for the purpose fell upon their flank; 
others turned and met them in front ; and the Indians yielding to 
the irresistible shock, were utterly routed. 

The victory was dearly bought, for Colonel Boquet, in killed 
and wounded, in the twp days action, lost about one-fourth of his 
men, and almost all his horses. He was obliged to destroy his 
stores, and was hardly able to carry his wounded. That night the 
English encamped at Bushy Run, and four days later were at Fort 
Pitt. In the skirmishing and fighting, during the march, the 42nd, 
or The Black Watch, lost Lieutenants John Graham and James 



Mackintosh, one sergeant and twenty-six rank and file killed ; and 
Captain John Graham of Duchray, Lieutenant Duncan Campbell, 
two Serjeants, two drummers, and thirty rank and file, wounded. 
Of Montgomery's Highlanders one drummer and five privates 
were killed ; and Lieutenant Donald Campbell and volunteer John 
Peebles, three Serjeants and seven privates wounded. 

The 42nd regiment passed the winter at Fort Pitt, and during 
the summer of 1764, eight companies were sent with the army of 
Boquet against the Ohio Indians. After a harrassing warfare the 

Old Block-House, Fort Duquesne. 

Indians sued for peace. Notwithstanding the labors of a march 
of many hundred miles among dense forests, during which they 
experienced the extremes of heat and cold, the Highlanders did 
not lose a single man from fatigue or exhaustion. The army re- 
turned to Fort Pitt in January, 1765, during very severe weather. 
Three men died of sickness, and on their arrival at Fort Pitt only 
nineteen men were under the surgeon's charge. The regiment 
was now in better quarters than it had been for years. It was 



greatly reduced in numbers, from its long service, the nature and 
variety of its hardships, amidst the torrid heat of the West Indies, 
the rigorous winters of New York and Ohio, and the fatalities on 
the field of battle. 

The regiment remained in Pennsylvania until the month of 
July, 1767, when it embarked at Philadelphia for Ireland. Such 
of the men who preferred to remain in America were permitted to 
join other regiments. These volunteers were so numerous, that, 
along with those who had been previously sent home disabled, and 
others discharged and settled in America, the regiment that re- 
turned was very small in proportion of that which had left Scot- 

The 42nd Royal Highlanders, or The Black Watch, made a 
very favorable impression in America. The Virginia Gazette, 
July 30, 1767, published an article from which the following ex- 
tracts have been taken : 

"Last Sunday evening, the Royal Highland Regiment em- 
barked for Ireland, which regiment, since its arrival in America, 
has been distinguished for having undergone most amazing 
fatigues, made long and frequent marches through an unhospit- 
able country, bearing excessive heat and severe cold with alacrity 
and cheerfulness, frequently encamping in deep snow, such as 
those that inhabit the interior parts of this province do not see, 
and which only those who inhabit the most northern parts of 
Europe can have any idea of, continually exposed in camp and on 
their marches to the alarms of a savage enemy, who, in all their at- 
tempts, were forced to fly. * * * And, in a particular manner, 
the freemen of this and the neighboring provinces have most sin- 
cerely to thank them for that resolution and bravery with which 
they, under Colonel Boquet, and a small number of Royal Ameri- 
cans, defeated the enemy, and ensured to us peace and security 
from a savage foe ; and, along with our blessings for these bene- 
fits, they have our thanks for that decorum in behavior which they 
maintained during their stay in this city, giving an example that 
the most amiable behavior in civil life is no way inconsistent with 
the character of the good soldier; and for their loyalty, fidelity, 
and orderly behavior, they have every wish of the people for 
health, honor, and a pleasant voyage." 

The loss sustained by the regiment during the seven years it 
was employed in America and the West Indies was as follows : 










































































Ticonderoga, July 7, 1758.. . 
Martinique, January, 1759. . 






Guadaloupe, February and 
March, 1759 




General Amherst's Expedi- 
tion to the Lakes, July 
and August, 1759 


Martinique, January and 
February, 1762 









Havanna, June and July, 
1762, both battalions. . . 


Expedition under Colonel 
Boquet, August, 1763 

Second Expedition under 
Boquet, in 1764 and 1765 










Total in the Seven Years' 










Comparing the loss sustained by the 42nd in the field with 
that of other corps, it has generally been less than theirs, except at 
the defeat at Ticonderoga. The officers who served in the corps 
attributed the comparative loss to the celerity of their attack and 
the use of the broadsword, which the enemy could never with- 

Of the officers who were in the regiment in 1759 seve n rose 
to be general officers, viz., Francis Grant of Grant, John Reid of 
Strathloch, Allan Campbell of Glenure, James Murray, son of 
lord George Murray, John Campbell of Strachur, Thomas Stir- 
ling of Ardoch, and John Small. Those who became field officers 
were, Gordon Graham, Duncan Campbell of Inneraw, Thomas 
Graham of Duchray, John Graham his brother, William Murray 
of Lintrose, W dliam Grant, James Abercromby of Glassa, James 
Abercromby junior, Robert Grant, James Grant, Alexander Turn- 
bull of Strathcathro, Alexander Donaldson, Thomas Fletcher of 
Landertis, Donald Robertson, Duncan Campbell, Alexander Mac- 


lean and James Eddington. A corp of officers, respectable in their 
persons, character and rank in private society, was of itself suffi- 
cient to secure esteem and lead a regiment where every man was a 

It has already been noticed that in the spring of 1760, the 
thought of General Amherst was wholly engrossed on the con- 
quest of Canada. He was appealed to for protection against the 
Cherokees who were committing cruelties, in their renewed war- 
fare against the settlements. In April he detached, from the cen- 
tral army, that had conquered Ohio, Colonel Montgomery with 
six hundred Highlanders of his own regiment and six hun- 
dred Royal Americans to strike a blow at the Cherokees 
and then return. The force embarked at New York, and by the 
end of April was in Carolina. At Ninety-six, near the end of 
May, the army was joined by many gentlemen of distinction, as 
volunteers, besides seven- hundred Carolina rangers, which consti- 
tuted the principal strength of the country. On June 1st, the 
army crossed Twelve-mile River; and leaving their tents standing 
on advantageous ground, at eight in the evening moved onward 
through the woods to surprise Estatoe, about twenty miles from 
the camp. On the way Montgomery surprised Little Keowee and 
put every man to the sword, sparing only women and children. 
Early the next morning they reached Estatoe only to find it aban- 
doned, except by a few who could not escape. The place was re- 
duced to ashes, as was Sugar Town, and every other settlement in 
the lower nation destroyed. For years, the half-charred rafters of 
their houses might be seen on the desolate hill-sides. "I could not 
help pitying them a little," wrote Major Grant; "their villages 
were agreeably situated ; their houses neatly built ; there were 
everywhere astonishing magazines of corn, which were all con- 
sumed." The surprise in everv town was almost equal, for the 
whole was the work of only a few hours ; the Indians had no time 
to save what they valued most; but left for the pillagers money 
and watches, wampum and furs. About sixty Cherokees were 
killed; forty, chiefly women and children, were made prisoners; 
but the warriors had generally escaped to the mountains. 

Meanwhile Fort Prince George had been closely invested, and 


Montgomery marched to its relief. From this place he dispatched 
two friendly chiefs to the middle settlements, to offer terms of 
peace, and orders were sent to Fort Loudon to bring about ac- 
commodations for the upper towns. The Indians would not listen 
to any overtures, so Montgomery was constrained to march against 
them. The most difficult part of the service was now to be per- 
formed ; for the country to be passed through was covered by dark 
thickets, numerous deep ravines, and high river banks; where a 
small number of men might distress and even wear out the best 
appointed army. 

Colonel Montgomery began his march June 24, 1760, and at 
night encamped at the old town of Oconnee. The next evening he 
arrived at the War-Woman's Creek ; and on the 26th, crossed the 
Blue Montains, and made his encampment at the deserted town of 
Stecoe. The army trod the rugged defiles, which were as dan- 
gerous as men had ever penetrated, with fearless alacrity, and the 
Highlanders were refreshed by coming into the presence of the 
mountains. "What may be Montgomery's fate in the Cherokee 
country," wrote Washington, "I cannot so readily determine. It 
seems he has made a prosperous beginning, having penetrated into 
the heart of the country, and he is now advancing his troops in 
high health and spirits to the relief of Fort Loudon. But let him 
be wary. He has a crafty, subtle enemy to deal with, that may 
give him most trouble when he least expects it."* 

The morning of the 27th found the whole army early on the 
march to the town of Etchowee, the nearest of the Cherokee set- 
tlements, and eighteen miles distant. When within five miles of 
the town, the army was attacked in a most advantageous position 
for the Indians. It was a low valley, in which the bushes were so 
thick that the soldiers could see scarcely three yards before them ; 
and through this valley flowed a muddy river, with steep clay 
banks. Captain Morrison, in command of a company of rangers, 
was in the advance. When he entered the ravine, the Indians 
emerged from their ambush, and, raising the war-whoop, darted 
from covert to covert, at the same time firing at the whites. Cap- 

*Spark's Writings of Washington, Vol. II, p. 332. 


tain Morrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely en- 
gaged. The Highlanders and provincials drove the enemy from 
their lurking-places, and, returning to their yells three huzzas and 
three waves of their bonnets and hats, they chased them from 
height and hollow. The army passed the river at the ford; and, 
protected by it on their right, and by a flanking party on the left, 
treading a path, at times so narrow as to be obliged to march in 
Indian file, fired upon from both front and rear, they were not col- 
lected at Etchowee until midnight; after a loss of twenty killed 
and seventy-six wounded. Of these, the Highlanders had one 
Serjeant, and six privates killed, and Captain Sutherland, Lieuten- 
ants Macmaster and Mackinnon, and Assistant-Surgeon Munro, 
and one serjeant, one piper, and twenty-four rank and file 

"Several soldiers of this (Montgomery's) and other regi- 
ments fell into the hands of the Indians, being taken in an am- 
bush. Allan Macpherson, one of these soldiers, witnessing the 
miserable fate of several of his fellow-prisoners, who had been 
tortured to death by the Indians, and seeing them preparing to 
commence the same operations upon himself, made signs that he 
had something to communicate. An interpreter was brought. 
Macpherson told them, that, provided his life was spared for a 
few minutes, he would communicate the secret of an extraordi- 
nary medicine, which, if applied to the skin, would cause it to re- 
sist the strongest blow of a tomahawk, or sword, and that, if they 
would allow him to go to the woods with a guard, to collect the 
plants proper for this medicine, he would prepare it, and allow the 
experiment to be tried on his own neck by the strongest and most 
expert warrior among them. This story easily gained upon the 
superstititious credulity of the Indians, and the request of the 
Highlander was instantly complied with. Being sent into the 
woods, he soon returned with such plants as he chose to pick up. 
Having boiled these herbs, he rubbed his neck with their juice, 
and laying his head upon a log of wood, desired the strongest man 
among them to strike at his neck with his tomahawk, when he 
would find he could not make the smallest impression. An In- 
dian, levelling a blow with all his might, cut with such force, that 
the head flew off to a distance of several yards. The Indians were 
fixed in amazement at their own credulity, and the address with 
which the prisoner had escaped the lingering death prepared for 
him ; but, instead of being enraged at this escape of their victim, 


they were so pleased with his ingenuity that they refrained from 
inflicting farther cruelties on the remaining prisoners."* 

Only for one day did Colonel Montgomery rest in the heart 
of the Alleghanies. On the following night, deceiving the Indians 
by kindling lights at Etchowee, the army retreated, and, marching 
twenty-five miles, never halted, till it came to War-Woman's 
Creek. On the 30th, it crossed the Oconnee Mountain, and on 
July 1st reached Fort Prince George, and soon after returned to 
New York. 

The retreat of Colonel Montgomery was the knell of the 
famished Fort Loudon, situated on the borders of the Cherokee 
country. The garrison was forced to capitulate to the Indians, who 
agreed to escort the men in safety to another fort. They were, 
however, made the victims of treachery; for the day after their 
departure a body of savages waylaid them, killed some, and cap- 
tured others, whom they took back to Fort Loudon. 

The expedition of Montgomery but served to inflame the In- 
dians. July nth the General Assembly represented their inabil- 
ity to prevent the ravages made by the savages on the back settle- 
ments, and by unanimous vote entreated the lieutenant governor 
"to use the most pressing instances with Colonel Montgomery not 
to depart with the king's troops, as it might be attended with the 
most pernicious consequences." Montgomery, warned that he was 
but giving the Cherokees room to boast among the other tribes, 
of their having obliged the English army to retreat, not only from 
the mountains, but also from the province, shunned the path of 
duty, and leaving four companies of the Royal Scots, sailed for 
Halifax by way of New York, coldly writing "I cannot help the 
people's fears." Afterwards, in the House of Commons, he acted 
as one who thought the Americans factious in peace and feeble in 

In 1761 the Montgomery Highlanders were in the expedition 
against Dominique, and the following year against Martinique 
and Havanna. At the end of October were again in New York. 
Before the return of the six companies to New York, the two com- 

*Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 61. 



panies that had been sent against the Indians in 1761, were sent, 
with a small force, to retake St. John's, New Foundland, which 
was occupied by a French force. The English army consisted of 
the flank companies of the Royals, a detachment of the 45th, two 
companies of Fraser's Highlanders, a small party of provincials, 
besides Montgomery's. The army landed on September 12, 
1762, seven miles northward of St. John's. On the 17th the 
French surrendered. Of Montgomery's Highlanders, Captain 
Mackenzie and four privates were killed, and two privates 
wounded. After this service the two companies joined the regi- 
ment at New York and there passed the winter. As already no- 
ticed a detachment was with Colonel Boquet to the relief of Fort 
Pitt in 1763. After the termination of hostilities an offer was 
made to the officers and men either to settle in America, or return 
to their own country. Those who remained obtained a grant of 
land in accordance to their rank.* 

The following table shows the number of killed and wounded 
of Montgomery's Highlanders during the war : — 

Fort du Quesne, Sept. 11, 1758. 

Little Keowe, June 1, 1760 

Etchowee, June 27, 1760 

Martinique, 1761 

Havanna, 1762 

St. John's, September, 1762.. . 
On Passage to West Indies. . . . 

Total during the war. 



V 4J 








E.S 1 
- 5 








After the surrender of Montreal, Fraser's Highlanders were 
not called into action, until the fall of 1762, when the two com- 
panies were with the exepdition under Colonel William Amherst, 
against St. John's, Newfoundland. In this service Captain Mac- 

*See Appendix, Note L. 



donell was mortally wounded, three rank and file killed, and seven 
wounded. At the conclusion of the war, a number of the officers 
and men having expressed a desire to remain in America, had 
their wishes granted, and an allowance of land granted them. 
The rest returned to Scotland and were discharged. 

The following is a return of the killed and wounded of 
Frasers Highlanders during the war from 1756 to 1763 : — 

























5 « 



































Louisburg, July 1758 








Montmorency, Sept. 2, 1759 


Heights of Abraham, Sept. 
13, 1759. . . 







Quebec, April, 1760 

St. John's, Sept. 1762 


Total during the war 









Whatever may be said of the 42nd, or The Black Watch, con- 
cerning its soldierly bearing may also be applied to both Mont- 
gomery's and Fraser's regiments. Both officers and men were 
from the same people, having the same manners, customs, lan- 
guage and aspirations. The officers were from among the best 
families, and the soldiers respected and loved those who com- 
manded them. 

For three years after the fall of Montreal the war between 
France and England lingered on the ocean. The Treaty of Paris 
was signed February 10, 1763, which gave to England all the 
French possessions in America eastward of the Mississippi from 
its source to the river Iberville, and thence through Lakes Maure- 
pas and Pontchartrain to the Gulf of Mexico. Spain, with whom 
England had been at war, at the same time ceded East and West 
Florida to the English Crown. France was obliged to cede to 
Spain all that vast territory west of the Mississippi, known as the 


province of Louisiana. The Treaty deprived France of all her 
possessions in North America. To the genius of William Pitt 
must be ascribed the conquest of Canada and the deprivation of 
France of her possessions in the New World. 

The acquisition of Canada, by keen sighted observers, was re- 
garded as a source of danger to England. As early as the year 
1748, the Swedish traveller Kalm, having described in vivid lan- 
guage the commercial oppression under which the colonists were 
suffering, added these remarkable words : 

"I have been told, not only by native Americans, but by Eng- 
lish emigrants publicly, that within thirty or fifty years the Eng- 
lish colonies in North America may constitute a separate state en- 
tirely independent of England. But as this whole country towards 
the sea is unguarded, and on the frontier is kept uneasy by the 
French, these dangerous neighbors are the reason why the love of 
these colonies for their metropolis does not utterly decline. The 
English government has, therefore, reason to regard the French 
in North America as the chief power which urges their colonies 
to submission."* 

On the definite surrender of Canada, Choiseul said to those 
around him, "We have caught them at last" ; his eager hopes an- 
ticipating an early struggle of America for independence. The 
French ministers consoled themselves for the Peace of Paris by 
the reflection that the loss of Canada was a sure prelude to the in- 
dependence of the colonies. Vergennes, the sagacious and exper- 
ienced ambassador, then at Constantinople, a grave, laborious man, 
remarkable for a calm temper and moderation of character, pre- 
dicted to an English traveller, with striking accuracy, the events 
that would occur. "England," he said, "will soon repent of hav- 
ing removed the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. 
They stand no longer in need of her protection. She will call on 
them to contribute towards supporting the burdens they have 
helped to bring on her, and they will answer by striking off all de- 

It is not to be presumed that Englishmen were wholly blind 
to this danger. There were advocates who maintained that it 

*Pinkerton's Travels, Vol. XIII. 


would be wiser to restore Canada and retain Guadaloupe, with per- 
haps Martinico and St. Lucia. This view was supported with dis- 
tinguished ability in an anonymous paper, said to have been writ- 
ten by William Burke, the friend and kinsman of the great orator. 
The views therein set forth were said to have been countenanced 
by lord Hardwicke. The tide of English opinion was, however, 
very strongly in the opposite direction. 


Scotch Hostility to America. 

The causes which led to the American Revolution have been 
set forth in works pertaining to that event, and fully amplified by 
those desiring to give a special treatise on the subject. Briefly to 
rehearse them, the following may be pointed out: The general 
cause was the right of arbitrary government over the colonies 
claimed by the British parliament. So far as the claim was con- 
cerned as a theory, but little was said, but when it was put in 
force an opposition at once arose. The people had long been 
taught to act and think upon the principle of eternal right, which 
had a tendency to mould them in a channel that looked towards in- 
dependence. The character of George III. was such as to irritate 
the people. He was stubborn and without the least conception of 
human rights; nor could he conceive of a magnanimous project, or 
appreciate the value of civil liberty. His notions of government 
were despotic, and around him, for advisers, he preferred those 
as incompetent and as illiberal as himself. Such a king could not 
deal with a people who had learned freedom, and had the highest 
conceptions of human rights. The British parliament, composed 
almost entirely of the ruling class, shared the views of their mas- 
ter, and servilely did his bidding, by passing a number of acts de- 
structive of colonial liberty. The first of these was a strenuous 
attempt to enforce in 1761 the importation act, which gave to 
petty constables the authority to enter any and every place where 
they might suspect goods upon which a duty had not been levied. 
In 1763 and 1764 the English ministers attempted to enforce the 
law requiring the payment of duties on sugar and molasses. In 
vain did the people try to show that under the British constitution 
taxation and representation were inseparable. Nevertheless Eng- 
lish vessels were sent to hover around American ports, and soon 
succeeded in paralyzing the trade with the West Indies. 


The close of the French and Indian war gave to England a re- 
newed opportunity to tax America. The national debt had in- 
creased from £52,092,238 in 1727 to £138,865,430 in 1763. The 
ministers began to urge that the expenses of the war ought to be 
borne by the colonies. The Americans contended, that they had 
aided England as much as she had aided them ; that the cession of 
Canada had amply remunerated England for all her losses; and, 
further, the colonies did not dread the payment of money, but 
feared that their liberties might be subverted. Early in March 
1765, the English parliament, passed the celebrated stamp act, 
which provided that every note, bond, deed, mortgage, lease, 
licence, all legal documents of every description, every colonial 
pamphlet, almanac, and newspaper, after the first day of the fol- 
lowing November, should be on paper furnished by the British 
government, the stamp cost being from one cent to thirty dollars. 
When the news of the passage of this act was brought to America 
the excitement was intense, and action was resolved on by the col- 
onies. The act was not formally repealed until March 18, 1766. 
On June 29, 1767, another act was passed to tax America. On 
October 1, 1768, seven hundred troops, sent from Halifax, 
marched with fixed bayonets into Boston, and quartered them- 
selves in the State House. In February 1769 parliament declared 
the people of Massachusetts rebels, and the governor was directed 
to arrest those deemed guilty of treason, and send them to Eng- 
land for trial. In the city of New York, in 1770, the soldiers wan- 
tonly cut down a liberty pole, which had for several years stood in 
the park. The most serious affray occurred on March 5th, in Bos- 
ton between a party of citizens and some soldiers, in which three 
citizens were shot down and several wounded. This massacre in- 
flamed the city with a blaze of excitement. On that day lord 
North succeeded in having all the dutes repealed except that on 
tea; and that tax, in 1773, was attempted to be enforced by a 
stratagem. On the evening of December 16th, the tea, in the three 
tea-ships, then in Boston harbor, was thrown overboard, by fifty 
men disguised as Indians. Parliament, instead of using legal 
means, hastened to find revenge. On March 31, 1774, it was en " 
acted that Boston port should be closed. 


The final act which brought on the Revolution was the firing 
upon the seventy minute men, who were standing still at Lexing- 
ton, by the English soldiers under Major Pitcairn, on April 19, 
1775, sixteen of the patriots fell dead or wounded. The first gun 
of the Revolution fired the entire country, and in a few days Bos- 
ton was besieged by the militia twenty thousand strong. Events 
nassed rapidly, wrongs upon wrongs were perpetrated, until, 
finally, on July 4, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was pub- 
lished to the world. By this act all hope of reconciliation was at 
an end. Whatever concessions might be made by England, her 
own acts had caused an impassable gulf. 

America had done all within her power to avert the impend- 
ing storm. Her petitions had been spurned from the foot of the 
English throne. Even the illustrious Dr. Franklin, venerable in 
years, was forced to listen to a vile diatribe against him delivered 
by the coarse and brutal Wedderburn, while members of the Privy 
Council who were present, with the single exception of lord 
North, "lost all dignity and all self-respect. They laughed aloud 
at each sarcastic sally of Wedderburn. 'The indecency of their 
behaviour,' in the words of Shelburne, 'exceeded, as is agreed on 
all hands, that of any committee of elections ;' and Fox, in a speech 
which he made as late as 1803, reminded the House how on that 
memorable occasion 'all men tossed up their hats and clapped their 
hands in boundless delight at Mr. Wedderburn's speech.' "* 

George III., his ministers and his parliament hurled the 
country headlong into war, and that against the judgment of her 
wisest men, and her best interests. To say the least the war was 
not popular in England. The wisest statesmen in both Houses of 
Parliament plead for reconciliation, but their efforts fell on cal- 
lous ears. The ruling class was seized with the one idea of hum- 
bling America. They preferred to listen to such men as Major 
James Grant, — the same who allowed his men, (as has been al- 
ready narrated) to be scandalously slaughtered before Fort du 
Quesne, and had made himself offensive in South Carolina under 
Colonel Montgomery. This braggart asserted, in the House of 
Commons, "amidst the loudest cheering, that he knew the Amer- 
icans very well, and was certain they would not fight ; 'that they 

*Lecky's History of England, Vol. IV. p. 151. 


were not soldiers and never could be made so, being naturally 
pusillanimous and incapable of discipline; that a very slight force 
would be more than sufficient for their complete reduction' ; and he 
fortified his statement by repeating their peculiar expressions, and 
ridiculing their religious enthusiasm, manners and ways of living, 
greatly to the' entertainment of the house."* 

The great Pitt, then earl of Chatham, in his famous speech in 
January 1775, declared: 

"The spirit which resists your taxation in America is the 
same that formerly opposed loans, benevolences, and ship-money 
in England. * * * This glorious spirit of Whiggism animates 
three millions in America who prefer poverty with liberty to 
gilded chains and sordid affluence, and who will die in defence of 
their rights as freemen. * * * For myself, I must declare that 
in all my reading and observation — and history has been my fav- 
orite study; I have read Thucydides, and have studied and ad- 
mired the master states of the world — that for solidity of reason- 
ing, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion under such a 
complication of difficult circumstances, no nation or body of men 
can stand in preference to the General Congress at Philadelphia. 
* * * All attempts to impose servitude upon such men, to estab- 
lish despotism over such a mighty continental nation, must be 
vain, must be fatal. We shall be forced ultimately to retreat. Let 
us retreat while we can, not when we must." 

In accordance with these sentiments Chatham withdrew his 
eldest son from the army rather than suffer him to be engaged in 
the war. Lord Effingham, finding his regiment was to serve 
against the Americans, threw up his commission and renounced 
the profession for which he had been trained and loved, as the 
only means of escaping the obligation of fighting against the cause 
of freedom. Admiral Keppel, one of the most gallant officers in 
the British navy, expressed his readiness to serve against the an- 
cient enemies of England, but asked to be released from employ- 
ment against the Americans. It is said that Amherst refused to 
command the army against the Americans. In 1776 it was openly 
debated in parliament whether British officers ought to serve their 
sovereign against the Americans, and no less a person than Gen- 
eral Conway leaned decidedly to the negative, and compared the 

*Bancroft's History United States, Vol. VI, p. 136; American Archives, 
Fourth Series, Vol. I, p. 1543. 


case to that of French officers who were employed in the Massacre 
of St. Bartholomew. Just after the battle of Bunker Hill, the 
duke of Richmond declared in parliament that he "did not think 
that the Americans were in rebellion, but that they were resisting 
acts of the most unexampled cruelty and oppression." The Cor- 
poration of London, in 1775, drew up an address strongly approv- 
ing of the resistance of the Americans, and similar addresses were 
expressed by other towns. A great meeting in London, and also 
the guild of merchants in Dublin, returned thanks to lord Effing- 
ham for his recent conduct. When Montgomery fell at the head 
of the American troops before Quebec, he was eulogized in the 
British parliament. 

The merchants of Bristol, September 27, 1775, held a meet- 
ing and passed resolutions deprecating the war, and calling upon 
the king to put a stop to it. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Liv- 
ery of London, September 29th, issued an address to the Electors 
of Great Britain, against carrying on the war. A meeting of the 
merchants and traders of London was held October 5th, and moved 
an address to the king "relative to the unhappy dispute between 
Great Britain and her American Colonies," and that he should 
"cause hostilities to cease." The principal citizens, manufactur- 
ers and traders of the city of Coventry, October 10th, addressed 
the sovereign beseeching him "to stop the effusion of blood, to 
recommend to your Parliament to consider, with all due attention, 
the petition from America lately offered to be presented to the 
throne." The mayor and burgesses of Nottingham, October 20th, 
petitioned the king in which they declared that "the first object of 
our desires and wishes is the return of peace and cordial union 
with our American fellow-subjects," and humbly requested him 
to "suspend those hostilities, which, we fear, can have no other 
than a fatal issue." This was followed by an address of the in- 
habitants of the same city, in which the king was asked to "stay 
the hand of war, and recall into the bosom of peace and grateful 
subjection your American subjects, by a restoration of those meas- 
ures which long experience has shown to be productive of the 
greatest advantages to this late united and flourishing Empire." 
The petition of the free burgesses, traders and inhabitants of New- 


castle-upon-Tyne declared that "in the present unnatural war with 
our American brethren, we have seen neither provocation nor ob- 
ject; nor is it, in our humble apprehension, consonant with the 
rights of humanity, sound policy, or the Constitution of our Coun- 
try." A very great majority of the gentlemen, clergy and free- 
holders of the county of Berks signed an address, November 7th, 
to the king in which it was declared that "the disorders have arisen 
from a complaint (plausible at least) of one right violated; and 
we can never be brought to imagine that the true remedy for such 
disorders consists in an attack on all other rights, and an attempt 
to drive the people either to unconstitutional submission or abso- 
lute despair." The gentlemen, merchants, freemen and inhabi- 
tants of the city of Worcester also addressed the king and be- 
sought him to adopt such measures as shall "seem most expedient 
for putting a stop to the further effusion of blood, for reconciling 
Great Britain and her Colonies, for reuniting the affections of 
your now divided people, and for establishing, on a permanent 
foundation, the peace, commerce, and prosperity of all your 
Majesty's Dominions." 

It is a fact, worthy of special notice, that in both England and 
Ireland there was a complete absence of alacrity and enthusiasm 
in enlisting for the army and navy. This was the chief reason 
why George III. turned to the petty German princes who trafficked 
in human chattels. There people were seized in their homes, or 
while working the field, and sold to England at so much per head. 
On account of the great difficulty in England in obtaining volun- 
tary recruits for the American war, the press-gang was resorted 
to, and in 1776, was especially fierce. In less than a month eight 
hundred men were seized in London alone, and several lives were 
lost in the scuffles that took place. The press-gang would hang 
about the prison-gates, and seize criminals whose sentences had 
expired and force them into the army. 

"It soon occurred to the government that able-bodied crimi- 
nals might be more usefully employed in the coercion of the re- 
volted colonists, and there is reason to believe that large numbers 
of criminals of all but the worst category, passed at this time into 
the English army and navy. In estimating the light in which 
British soldiers were regarded in America, and in estimating the 


violence and misconduct of which British soldiers were sometimes 
guilty, this fact must not be forgotten." In Ireland criminals 
were released from their prisons on condition of enlisting in the 
army or navy.* 

The regular press-gang was not confined to England, and it 
formed one of the grievances of the American colonists. One of 
the most terrible riots ever known in New England, was caused, 
in 1747, by this nefarious practice, under the sanction of Admiral 
Knowles. An English vessel was burnt, and English officers were 
seized and imprisoned by the crowd ; the governor was obliged to 
flee to the castle; the sub-sheriffs were impounded in the stocks; 
the militia refused to act against the people ; and the admiral was 
compelled to release his captives. Resistance, in America, was 
shown in many subsequent attempts to impress the people. 

The king and his ministers felt it was necessary to sustain 
the acts of parliament in the American war by having addresses 
sent to the king upholding him in the course he was pursuing. 
Hence emissaries were sent throughout the kingdom who cajoled 
the ignorant into signing such papers. The general sentiment of 
the people cannot be estimated by the number of addresses for 
they were obtained by the influence of the ministers of state. 
Every magistrate depending upon the favor of the crown could 
and would exert his influence as directed. Hence there were 
numerous addresses sent to the king approving the course he was 
bent upon. When it is considered that the government had the 
advantage of more than fifty thousand places and pensions at its 
disposal, the immense lever for securing addresses is readily seen. 
From no section of the country, however, were these addresses so 
numerous as from Scotland. 

It is one of the most singular things in history that the peo- 
ple of Scotland should have been so hostile to the Americans, and 
so forward in expressing their approbation of the attitude of 
George III. and his ministers. The Americans had in no wise 
ever harmed them or crossed their path. The emigrants from 
Scotland had been received with open arms by the people. If any 
had been mistreated, it was by the appointees of the crown. With 

*Leeky's History of England, Vol. IV. p. 350 


scarcely an exception the whole political representation in both 
Houses of Parliament supported lord North, and were bitterly 
opposed to the Americans. Lecky has tried to soften the matter 
by throwing the blame on the servile leaders who did not repre- 
sent the real sentiment of the people : 

"Scotland, however, is one of the very few instances in his- 
tory, of a nation whose political representation was so grossly de- 
fective as not merely to distort but absolutely to conceal its opin- 
ions. It was habitually looked upon as the most servile and cor- 
rupt portion of the British Empire; and the eminent liberalism 
and the very superior political qualities of its people seem to have 
been scarcely suspected to the very eve of the Reform Bill of 1832. 
That something of that liberalism existed at the outbreak of the 
American war, may, I think, be inferred from the very significant 
fact that the Government were unable to obtain addresses in their 
favor either from Edinburgh or Glasgow. The country, however, 
was judged mainly by its representatives, and it was regarded as 
far more hostile to the American cause than either England or 

A very able editor writing at the time has observed : 
"It must however be acknowledge, that an unusual apathy 
with respect to public affairs, seemed to prevail with the people, 
in general, of this country; of which a stronger proof needs not 
to be given, that than which will probably recur to every body's 
memory, that the accounts of many of the late military actions, as 
well as of political procedings of no less importance, were re- 
ceived with as much indifference, and canvassed with as much 
coolness and unconcern, as if they had happened between two 
nations with whom they were scarcely connected. We must ex- 
cept from all these observations, the people of North Britain 
(Scotland), who, almost to a man, so far as they could be de- 
scribed or distinguished under any particular denomination, not 
only applauded, but proffered life and fortune in support of the 
present measures. "f 

The list of addresses sent from Scotland to the king against 
the Colonies is a long one, — unbroken by any remonstrance or cor- 
rection. It embraces those sent by the provost, magistrates, and 
common (or town) council of Aberbrothock, Aberdeen, Annan, 
Ayr, Burnt-Island, Dundee, Edinburgh, Forfar, Forres, Inver- 
ness, Irvine, Kirkaldy, Linlithgow, Lochmaben, Montrose, Nairn, 

♦History of England, Vol. IV, p. 338. tAnnual Register, 1776, p. 39. 


Peebles, Perth, Renfrew, Rutherglen, and Stirling; by the magis- 
trates and town council of Brechine, Inverary, St. Andrews, Sel- 
kirk, Jedburgh, Kirkcudbright, Kirkwall, and Paisley; by the 
magistrates, town council and all the principal inhabitants of 
Fortrose; by the provost, magistrates, council, burgesses and in- 
habitants of Elgin; by the chief magistrates of Dunfermline, In- 
verkeiting and Culross ; by the magistrates, common council, bur- 
gesses, and inhabitants of Dumfries; by the lord provost, magis- 
trates, town council and deacons of craft of Lanark ; by the magis- 
trates, incorporated societies, and principal inhabitants of the town 
and port of Leith; by the principal inhabitants of Perth; by the 
gentlemen, clergy, merchants, manufacturers, incorporated trades 
and principal inhabitants of Dundee; by the deacon convenier, 
deacons of fourteen incorporated trades and other members of 
trades houses of Glasgow ; by the magistrates, council and incor- 
porations of Cupar in Fife, and Dumbarton ; by the freeholders of 
the county of Argyle and Berwick; by the noblemen, gentlemen 
and freeholders of the counties of Aberdeen and Fife; by the 
noblemen, gentlemen, freeholders and others of the county of Lin- 
lithgow; by the noblemen and gentlemen of the county of Rox- 
burgh; by the noblemen, justices of the peace, freeholders, and 
commissioners of supply of the counties of Perth and Caithness; 
by the noblemen, freeholders, justices of the peace, and commis- 
sioners of the land-ta.x of the counties of Banff and Elgin ; by the 
freeholders and justices of the peace of the county of Dumbarton; 
by the gentlemen, justices of the peace, clergy, freeholders and 
committee of supply of the county of Clackmanan ; by the gentle- 
men, justices of the peace and commissioners of land tax of the 
counties of Kincardine, Lanark and Renfrew ; by the freeholders, 
justices of the peace and commissioners of supply of the counties 
of Kinross and Orkney; by the justices of the peace, freeholders 
and commissioners of land tax of the county of Peebles ; by the 
gentlemen, freeholders, justices of the peace and commissioners 
of supply of the county of Nairn; by the gentlemen, heretors, 
freeholders and clergy of the counties of Ross and Cromarty ; by 
the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland ; by the minis- 
ters and elders of the provincial synod of Angus and Mearns; 


also of the synod of Glasgow and Ayr; by the provincial synod 
of Dumfries, and by the ministers of the presbytery of Irvine. 

The list ascribes but eight of the addresses to the Highlands. 
This does not signify that they were any the less loyal to the 
pretentions of George III. The probability is that the people 
generally stood ready to follow their leaders, and these latter 
exerted themselves against the colonists. The addresses that 
were proffered, emanating from the Highlands, in chronological 
order, may be thus summarized : The freeholders of Argyleshire, 
on October 17, 1775, met at Inverary with Robert Campbell pre- 
siding, and through their representative in Parliament, Colonel 
Livingston, presented their "humble Address" to the king, in 
which they refer to their predecessors who had "suffered early 
and greatly in the cause of liberty" and now judge it incumbent 
upon themselves "to express our sense of the blessings we enjoy 
under your Majesty's mild and constitutional Government; and, 
at the same time, to declare our abhorrence of the unnatural 
rebellion of our deluded fellow-subjects in America, which, we 
apprehend, is encouraged and fomented by several discontented 
and turbulent persons at home." They earnestly desire that the 
measures adopted by parliament may be "vigorously prosecuted ;" 
"and we beg leave to assure your Majesty, that, in support of such 
measures, we are ready to risk our lives and fortunes." 

The address of the magistrates, town council, and all the 
principal inhabitants of Fortrose, is without date, but probably 
during the month of October of the same year. They met with 
Colonel Hector Munro, their representative in parliament, pre- 
siding, and addressing the king declared their "loyal affection" to 
his person; are "filled with a just sense of the many blessings" 
they enjoy, and "beg leave to approach the throne, and express 
our indignation at, and abhorrence of, the measures adopted by 
our unhappy and deluded fellow-subjects in America, in direct 
opposition to law and justice, and to every rational idea of civil- 
ization;" "with still greater indignation, if possble, we behold 
this rebellious disposition, which so fatally obtains on the other 
side of the Atlantic, fomented and cherished by a set of men in 
Great Britain;" that the "deluded children may quickly return to 


their duty," and if not, "we hope your Majesty will direct such 
vigorous, speedy, and effectual measures to be pursued, as may 
bring them to a due sense of their error." 

The provost, magistrates and town council of Nairn met 
November 6, 1775, and addressed their "Most Gracious Sov- 
ereign" as his "most faithful subjects" and it was their "indis- 
pensable duty" to testify their "loyalty and attachment;" they 
were "deeply sensible of the many blessings" they enjoyed; they 
viewed with "horror and detestation" the "audacious attempts 
that have been made to alienate the affections of your subjects." 
"Weak as our utmost efforts may be deemed, and limited our 
powers, each heart and hand devoted to your service will, with 
the most ardent zeal, contribute in promoting such measures as 
may be now thought necessary for re-establishing the violated 
rights of the British Legislature, and bringing back to order and 
allegiance your Majesty's deluded and unhappy subjects in 

On the same day, the same class of men at Inverness made 
their address as "dutiful and loyal subjects," and declared "the 
many blessings" they enjoyed; and expressed their "utmost de- 
testation and abhorrence of that spirit of rebellion which has un- 
hapily broke forth among your Majesty's subjects in America," 
and "the greatest sorrow we behold the seditious designs of 
discontented and factious men so far attended with success as 
to seduce your infatuated and deluded subjects in the colonies 
from their allegiance and duty," and they declared their "deter- 
mined resolution of supporting your Majesty's Government, to 
the utmost of our power, against all attempts that may be made 
to disturb it, either at home or abroad." 

The following day, or November 7th, the gentlemen, free- 
holders, justices of the peace, and commissioners of supply of the 
county of Nairn, met in the city of Nairn, and addressed their 
"Most Gracious Sovereign," declaring themselves the "most duti- 
ful and loyal subjects," and it was their "indispensable duty" "to 
declare our abhorrence of the present unnatural rebellion carried 
on by many of your infatuated subjects in America." "With 
profound humility we profess our unalterable attachment to your 


Majesty's person and family, and our most cordial approbation 
of the early measures adopted for giving a check to the first 
dawnings of disobedience. This county, in the late war, sent out 
many of its sons to defend your Majesty's ungrateful colonies 
against the invasion of foreign enemies, and they will now, when 
called upon, be equally ready to repel all the attempts of the 
traitorous and disaffected, against the dignity of your crown, and 
the just rights of the supreme Legislature of Great Britain." 

The gentlemen, heretors, freeholders, and clergy of the 
Counties of Ross and Cromarty assembled at Dingwall, Novem- 
ber 23, 1775, and also addressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign" 
as the "most faithful and loyal subjects," acknowledging "the 
protection we are blessed with in the enjoyment of our liberties," 
it is "with an inexpressible concern we behold many of our fellow- 
subjects in America, incited and supported by factions and de- 
signing men at home," and that "we shall have no hesitation in 
convincing your rebellious and deluded subjects in America, that 
with the same cheerfulness we so profusely spilled our blood in 
the last war, in defending them against their and our natural 
enemies, we are now ready to shed it, if necessary, in bringing 
them back to a just sense of their duty and allegiance to your 
Majesty, and their subordination to the Mother Country." 

The magistrates and town council of Inverary met on No- 
vember 28, 1775, and to their "Most Gracious Sovereign" they 
were also the "most dutiful and loyal subjects," and further "en- 
joyed all the blessings of the best Government the wisdom of man 
ever devised, we have seen with indignation, the malignant breath 
of disappointed faction, by prostituting the sacred sounds of lib- 
erty, too successful in blowing the sparks of a temporary dis- 
content into the flames of a rebellion in your Majesty's Colonies, 
that we from our souls abhor;" and they desired to be applied 
"such forcive remedies to the affected parts, as shall be necessary 
to restore that union and dependency of the whole on the legisla- 
tive power." 

At Thurso, December 6, 1775, there met the noblemen, gen- 
tlemen, freeholders, justices of the peace and commissioners of 
supply of the county of Caithness, and in an address to their 


"Most Gracious Sovereign" declared themselves also to be the 
"most dutiful and loyal subjects;" they approved the "lenient 
measures" which had hitherto been taken in America by parlia- 
ment, "and that they will support with their lives and fortunes, 
the vigorous exertions which they forsee may soon be necessary 
to subdue a rebellion premeditated, unprovoked, and that is every- 
day becoming more general, untainted by the vices that too often 
accompany affluence, our people have been inured to industry, 
sobriety, and, when engaged in your Majesty's service, have been 
distinguished for an exact obedience to discipline, and a faithful 
discharge of duty; and we hope, if called forth to action in one 
combined corps, it will be their highest ambition to merit a favor- 
able report to your Majesty from their superior officers. At the 
same time, it is our most ardent prayer to Almighty God, that the 
eyes of our deluded fellow-subjects in America may soon be 
opened, to see whether it is safe to trust in a Congress unconstitu- 
tionally assembled, in a band of officers unconstitutionally ap- 
pointed, or in a British King and Parliament whose combined 
powers have indeed often restrained the licentiousness, but never 
invaded the rational liberties of mankind." 

A survey of the addresses indicates that they were composed 
by one person, or else modelled from the same formula. All had 
the same source of inspiration. This, however, does not militate 
against the moral effect of those uttering them. So far as Scot- 
land is concerned, it must be regarded as a fair representation of 
the sentiment of the people. While only an insignificant part of 
the Highlands gave their humble petitions, yet the subsequent 
acts must be the criterion from which a judgment must be formed. 

It is possible that some of the loyal addresses were acceler- 
ated by the prohibition placed on Scotch emigration to America. 
Early in September, 1775, Henry Dundas, lord-advocate for Scot- 
land, urged the board of customs to issue orders to all inferior 
custom houses enjoining them to grant no clearances for America 
of any ship which had more than the common complement of 
hands on board. On September 23, 1775, Archibald Cockburn, 
sheriff deputy of Edinburgh, issued the following order : 

"Whereas a letter was received by me some time ago, from 
His Majesty's Advocate for Scotland, intimating that, on account 

*See Appendix, Note M. 


of the present rebellion in America, it was proper a stop should 
be put for the present to emigrations to that Country, and that 
the necessary directions were left at the different sea-ports in 
Scotland to that purpose; I think it my duty, in obedience to his 
Lordship's requisition contained in that letter, to take this publick 
method of notifying to such of the inhabitants within my jurisdic- 
tion, if any such there be, who have formed resolutions to them- 
selves of leaving this Country, and going in quest of settlements 
in America, that they aught not to put themselves to the unneces- 
sary trouble and expense of preparing for a removal of their habi- 
tations, which they will not, so far as it lies in my power to pre- 
vent, be permitted to effectuate." 

The British government had every assurance of the un- 
divided support of all Scotland in its attempt to subjugate 
America. It also put a strong dependence in enlisting in the 
army such Highlanders as had emigrated, and especially those 
who had belonged to the 42nd, Fraser's, and Montgomery's regi- 
ments, but remained in the country after the peace of 1763. This 
alone would make a very unfavorable impression on the minds of 
Americans. But when to this is added the efforts of British of- 
ficers to organize the emigrants from the Highlands into a special 
regiment, as early as Novemeber, 1775, the rising of the High- 
landers both in North Carolina and on the Mohawk, the enlisting 
of emigrants on board vessels before landing and sailing by 
Boston to join their regiments at Halifax, and on the passage 
listening to the booming of the cannon at Bunker Hill ; and the 
further fact that both the 42nd and Fraser's Highlanders were 
ordered to embark at Greenock for America, five days before the 
battle of Lexington, it is not a matter of surprise that a strong 
resentment should be aroused in the breasts of many of the most 
devoted to the cause of the Revolution. 

The feeling engendered by the acts of Scotland towards 
those engaged in the struggle for human liberty crops out in the 
original draft of the Declaration of Independence as laid before 
Congress July 1, 1776. In the memorable paper appeared the 
following sentence : "At this very time, too, they are permitting 
their chief magistrate to send over, not only soldiers of our com- 
mon blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries to invade and 


destroy us." The word ''Scotch" was struck out, on motion of 
Dr. John Witherspoon, himself a native of Scotland; and subse- 
quently the whole sentence was deleted. 

The sentence was not strictly true, for there were thousands 
of Americans of Scotch ancestry, but principally Lowland. There 
were also thousands of Americans, true to the principles of the 
Revolution, of Highland extraction. If the sentence had been 
strictly true, it would have served no purpose, even if none were 
alienated thereby. But, the records show that in the American 
army there were men who rendered distinguished services who 
were born in the Highlands ; and others, from the Lowlands, ren- 
dered services of the highest value in their civil capacities. 

The armies of the Colonies had no regiments or companies 
composed of Highland Scotch, or even of that extraction, al- 
though their names abound scattered through a very large per- 
centage of the organized forces. The only effort* which appears 
to have been made in that direction rests on two petitions by 
Donald McLeod. The first was directed to the Committee 
for the City and County of New York, dated at New York, June 

7, 1775 •■ 

"That your petitioner, from a deep sense of the favors con- 
ferred on himself, as well as those shown to many of his country- 
men when in great distress after their arrival into this once happy 
city, is moved by a voluntary spirit of liberty to offer himself in 
the manner and form following, viz : That your said petitioner 
understands that a great many Companies are now on foot to be 
raised for the defence of our liberties in this once happy land, 
which he thinks to be a very proper maxim for the furtherance of 
our rights and liberty; that your said petitioner (although he has 
nothing to recommend himself but the variety of calling himself 
a Highlander, from North-Britain) flatters himself that if this 
honorable Committee were to grant him a commission, under 
their hand and seal, that he could, without difficulty, raise one 
hundred Scotch Highlanders in this City and the neighboring 
Provinces, provided they were to be put in the Highland dress, 
and under pay during their service in defence of our liberties. 
Therefore, may it please your Honors to take this petition under 
vour serious consideration ; and should your Honors think proper 

*See Appendix, Note N. 


to confer the honor upon him as to have the command of a High- 
land Company, under the circumstances proposed, your petitioner 
assures you that no person shall or will be more willing to accept 
of the offer than your humble petitioner." 

On the following day Donald McLeod sent a petition, 
couched in the following language to the Congress for the Colony 
of New York: 

"That yesterday your said petitioner presented a petition 
before this honorable body, and as to the contents of which he 
begs leave to give reference. That since, a ship arrived from 
Scotland, with a number of Highlanders passengers. That your 
petitioner talked to them this morning, and after informing them 
of the present state of this as well as the neighboring Colonies, 
they all seemed to be very desirous to form themselves into com- 
panies, with the proviso of having liberty to wear their own 
country dress, commonly called the Highland habit, and more- 
over to be under pay for the time they are in the service for the 
protection of the liberties of this once happy country, but by all 
means to be under the command of Highland officers, as some of 
them cannot speak the English language. That the said High- 
landers are already furnished with guns, swords, pistols, and 
Highland dirks, which, in case of occasion, is very necessary, as 
all the above articles are at this time very difficult to be had. 
Therefore may it please your Honors to take all and singular the 
premises under your serious and immediate consideration; and 
as your petitioner wants an answer as soon as possible, he further 
prays that as soon as they think it meet, he may be advised. And 
your petitioner, is in duty bound, shall ever pray." 

This petition was presented during the formative state of the 
army, and when the colonies were in a state of anarchy. Con- 
gress had not yet assumed control of the army, although on the 
very eve of it. With an empire to found and defend, the con- 
tinental Congress had not at its disposal a single penny. When 
Washington was offered the command of the army there was little 
to bring out the unorganized resources of the country. At the 
very time of Donald McLeod's petition, the provincial congress 
of New York was engaged with the distracted state of its own 
commonwealth. Order was not brought out of chaos until the 
strong hand and great energy of Washington had been felt. 


Highland Regiments in the American Revolution. 

The great Pitt, in his famous eulogy on the Highland regi- 
ments, delivered in 1766, in Parliament, said: "I sought for merit 
wherever it could be found. It is my boast that I was the first 
minister who looked for it, and found it, in the mountains of the 
north. I called it forth, and drew into your service a hardy and 
intrepid race of men; men who, when left by your jealousy, be- 
came a prey to the artifices of your enemies, and had gone nigh 
to have overturned the State, in the war before the last. These 
men, in the last war, were brought to combat on your side ; they 
served with fidelity, as they fought with valor, and conquered for 
you in every quarter of the world." 


These same men were destined to be brought from their homes 
and help swell the ranks of the oppressors of America. The first 
attempt made was to organize the Highland regiments in America. 
The MacDonald fiasco in North Carolina and the Highlanders of 
Sir John Johnson have already been noticed. But there were 
other Highlanders throughout the inhabited districts of America, 
who had emigrated, or else had belonged to the 42nd, Fraser's or 
Montgomery's Highlanders. It was desired to collect these, in 
so far as it was possible, and organize them into a distinct regi- 
ment. The supervision of this work was given to Colonel Allan 
MacLean of Torloisk, Mull, an experienced officer who had seen 
hard service in previous wars. The secret instructions given by 
George III. to William Tryon, governor of New York, is dated 
April 3, 1775: 

"Whereas an humble application hath been made to us by 
Allen McLean Eqre late Major to our 114th Regiment, and Lieut 


Col : in our Army setting forth, that a considerable number of our 
subjects, who have, at different times, emigrated from the North 
West parts of North Britain, and have transported themselves, 
with their families, to New York, have expressed a desire, to take 
up Lands within our said Province, to be held of us, our heirs and 
successors, in fee simple ; and whereas it may be of public advan- 
tage to grant lands in manner aforesaid to such of the said Emi- 
grants now residing within our said province as may be desirous 
of settling together upon some convenient spot within the same. 
It is therefore our Will and pleasure, that upon application to you 
by the said Allen McLean, and upon his producing to you an 
Association of the said Emigrants to the effect of the form here- 
unto annexed, subscribed by the heads of the several families of 
which such Emigrants shall consist, you do cause a proper spot to 
be located and surveyed in one contiguous Tract within our said 
Province of New York, sufficient in quantity for the accommo- 
dation of such Emigrants, allowing ioo acres to each head of 
a family, and 500 acres for every other person of which the said 
family shall consist; and it is our further will and pleasure that 
when the said Lands shall have been located as aforesaid, you do 
grant the same by letters patent under the seal of our said Prov- 
ince unto the said Allen Maclean, in trust, and. upon the condi- 
tions, to make allotments thereof in Fee Simple to the heads of 
Families, whose names, together with the number of persons in 
each family, shall have been delivered in by him as aforesaid, ac- 
companied with the said association, and it is Our further will 
and pleasure that it be expressed in the said letters patent, that 
the lands so to be granted shall be exempt from the payment of 
quit-rents for 20 years from the date thereof, with a proviso how- 
ever that all such parts of the said Tracts as shall not be settled 
in manner aforesaid within two years from the date of the grant 
shall revert to us, and be disposed of in such manner as we shall 
think fit; and it is our further will and pleasure, that neither 
yourself, nor any other of our Officers, within our said Province, 
to whose duty it may appertain to carry these our orders into exe- 
cution do take any Fee or reward for the same, and that the ex- 
pense of surveying and locating any Tract of Land in the manner 
and for the purpose above mentioned be defrayed out of our 
Revenue of Quit rents and charged to the account thereof. And 
we do 'hereby, declare it to be our further will and pleasure, that 
in case the whole or any part of the said Colonists, fit to bear 
Arms, shall be hereafter embodied and employed in Our service 
in America, either as Commission or non Commissioned Officers 
or private Men, they shall respectively receive further grants of 


Land from us within our said province, free of all charges, and 
exempt from the payment of quit rents for 20 years, in the same 
proportion to their respective Ranks, as is directed and prescribed 
by our Royal Proclamation of the 7th of October 1763. in regard 
to such officers and soldiers as were employed in our service dur- 
ing the last War." 

This paltry scheme concocted to raise men for the royal cause 
could have but very little effect. The Highlanders, it proposed 
to reach, were scattered, and the work proposed must be done 
secretly and with expedition. To raise the Highlanders required 
address, a number of agents, and necessary hardships. Armed 
with the warrant Colonel Maclean and some followers proceded 
to New York and from there to Boston, where the object of the 
visit became known through a sergeant by name of McDonald 
who was trying to enlist "men to join the King's Troops; they 
seized him, and on his examination found that he had been em- 
ployed by Major Small for this Purpose; they sent him a Pris- 
oner into Connecticut. This has raised a violent suspicion 
against the Scots and Highlanders and will make the execution of 
Coll Maclean's Plan more difficult."* 

The principal agents engaged with Colonel Maclean in rais- 
ing the new regiment were Major John Small and Captain Alex- 
ander McDonald. The latter met with much discouragement and 
several escapes. His "Letter-Book" is a mine of information 
pertaining to the regiment. As early as November 15, 1775, he 
draws a gloomy picture of the straits of the Macdonalds on whom 
so much was relied by the English government. "As for all the 

McDonalds in America they may Curse the day that was born as 
being the means of Leading them to ruin from my Zeal and at- 
tachment for government poor Glanaldall I am afraid is Lost as 
there is no account of him since a small Schooner Arrived which 
brought an account of his having Six & thirty men then and if 
he should Not be Lost he is unavoidably ruined in his Means all 
those up the Mohawk river will be tore to pieces and those in 
North Carolina the same so that if Government will Not Consider 
them when Matters are Settled I think they are ill treated"f 

The commissions of Colonel Maclean, Major John Small and 

♦Governor Colden to Earl of Dartmouth. New York Docs. Relating to 
Colonial History, Vol. VIII, p. 588. fLetter Book, p. 221. 


Captain William Dunbar bear date of June 13, 1775, and all the 
other captains one day later. 

The regiment raised was known as the Royal Highland Emi- 
grant Regiment and was composed of two battalions, the first of 
which was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Allan Maclean, and 
was composed of Highland emigrants in Canada, and the dis- 
charged men of the 42nd, of Fraser's and Montgomery's High- 
landers who had settled in North America after the peace of 1763. 
Great difficulty was experienced in conveying the troops who had 
been raised in the back settlements to their respective destina- 
tions. This battalion made the following return of its officers : 

Isle Aux Noix, 15th April, 1778. 



Former Rank in the Army 

Lieut. -Col. 

Allan McLean 



William Dunbar 

Capt. late 78th Regt 

John Nairne 


Alexander Fraser 

Lieut, late 78th Regt 

Lieut. 60th Regt 

Lieut, late 8th Regt 
Lieut. 42nd Regt 


George McDougall 


Malcolm Fraser 

1 1 

Daniel Robertson 


George Laws 


Lieut. 7th Regt 

Alexander Firtelier 

Ensign late 114th Regt. . 


Lachlan McLean. . . 


Fran. Damburgess, (prisoner). . . . 
David Cairns 

Ensign, 21 Nov. 1775 

Ensign, 1st June 1775.. . . 
Ensign, 20th Nov. 1775. . 
Ensign, 14th June 1775... 
Ensign, 14th June 1775... 



Ronald McDonald 

John McDonell 


Alexander Stratton, (prisoner)... . 
Hector McLean 



Archibald Grant 


David Smith 


George Darne 


Archibald McDonald 

< 1 

William Wood 





Chaplain... . 
Adjutant.. . . 
Qr. Master.. 
Surgeon. . . . 
Surg's Mate 


John Pringle 

Hector McLean, (prisoner), 

John Bethune 

Ronald McDonald 

Lachlan McLean 

James Davidson 

James Walker 

Former Rank in the Army 

The second battalion was commanded by Major John Small, 
formerly of the 42nd, and then of the 21st regiment, which was 
raised from emigrants arriving in the colonies and discharged 
Highland soldiers who had settled in Nova Scotia. Each bat- 
talion was to consist of seven hundred and fifty men, with officers 
in proportion. In speaking of the raising of the men Captain 
Alexander McDonald, in a letter to General Sir William Howe, 
under date of Halifax, November 30, 1775, says: 

"Last October was a year when I found the people of 
America were determind on Rebellion, I wrote to Major Small 
desiring he would acquaint General Gage that I was ready to join 
the Army with a hundred as good men as any in America, the 
General was pleased to order the Major to write and return his 
Excellency's thanks to me for my Loyalty and spirited offers of 
Service, but that he had not power at that time to grant Commis- 
sions or raise any troops ; however the hint was improved and A 
proposal was Sent home to Government to raise five Companies 
and I was in the meantime ordered to ingeage as many men as I 
possibly Could, Accordingly I Left my own house on Staten 
Island this same day year and travelled through frost snow & Ice 
all the way to the Mohawk river, where there was two hundred 
Men of my own Name, who had fled from the Severity of their 
Landlords in the Highlands of Scotland, the Leading men of 
whom most Chearfully agreed to be ready at a Call, but the affair 
was obliged to be kept a profound Secret till it was Known 
whether the government approved of the Scheme and otherwise 
I could have inlisted five hundred men in a months time, from 
thence I proceeded straight to Boston to know for Certain what 
was done in the affair when General Gage asur'd me that he had 
recommended it to the Ministry and did not doubt of its Meeting 
with approbation. I Left Boston and went home to my own 


house and was ingeaging as Many men as I Could of those that I 
thought I could intrust but it was not possible to keep the thing 
Long a Secret when we had to make proposals to five hundred 
men; in the Mean time Coll McLean arrived with full power 
from Government to Collect all the Highlanders who had Emi- 
grated to America Into one place and to give Every man the hun- 
dred Acres of Land and if need required to give Arms to as many 
men as were Capable of bearing them for His Majesty's Service. 
Coll McLean and I Came from New York to Boston to know how 
Matters would be Settled by Genl Gage : it was then proposed 
and Agreed upon to raise twenty Companies or two Battalions 
Consisting of one Lt Colonl Commandant two Majors and Seven- 
teen Captains, of which I was to be the first or oldest Captain and 
was confirmed by Coll McLean under his hand Writeing."* 

At the time of the beginning of hostilities a large number of 
Highlanders were on their way from Scotland to settle in the 
colonies. In some instances the vessels on which were the emi- 
grants, were boarded from a man-of-war before their arrival. In 
some families there is a tradition that they were captured by a 
war vessel Those who did arrive were induced partly by threats 
and partly by persuasion to enlist for the war, which they were 
assured would be of short duration. These people were not only 
in poverty, but many were in debt for their passage, and they 
were now promised that by enlisting their debts should be paid, 
they should have plenty of food as well as full pay for their serv- 
ices, besides receiving for each head of a family two hundred 
acres of land and fifty more for each child, while, in the event of 
refusal, there was presented the alternative of going to jail to pay 
their debts. The result of the artifices used can be no mystery. 
Under such conditions most of the able-bodied men enlisted, in 
some instances father and son serving together. Their wives and 
children were sent to Halifax, hearing the cannon of Bunker Hill 
on their passage. 

These enlistments formed a part of the Battalion under 
Major Small, — five companies of which remained in Nova Scotia 
during the war, and the remaining five joining Sir Henry Clinton 
and Lord Cornwallis to the southward. That portion of which 

*Ibid, p. 223. 



remained in Nova Scotia, was stationed at Halifax, Windsor, and 
Cumberland, and were distinguished by their uniform good be- 

The men belonging to the first battalion were assembled at 
Quebec. On the approach of the American army by Lake Cham- 
plain, Colonel Maclean was ordered to St. Johns with a party of 
militia, but got only as far as St. Denis, where he was deserted by 
his men. When Quebec was threatened by the American army 
under Colonel Arnold, Colonel Maclean with his regiment con- 
sisting of three hundred and fifty men, was at Sorel, and being 
forced to decamp from that place, by great celerity of movement, 
evaded the army of Colonel Arnold and passed into Quebec with 
one hundred of his regiment. He arrived just in time, for the 
citizens were about to surrender the city to the Americans. On 
Colonel Maclean's arrival, November 13, 1775, tne garrison con- 
sisted only of fifty men of the Fusiliers and seven hundred militia 
and seamen. There had also just landed one hundred recruits 
of Colonel Maclean's corps from Newfoundland, which had been 
raised by Malcolm Fraser and Captain Campbell. Also, at the 
same time, there arrived the frigate Lizard, with £20,000 cash, 
all of which put new spirits into the garrison. The arrival of the 
veteran Maclean greatly diminished the chances of Colonel Ar- 
nold. Colonel Maclean now bent his energies towards saving the 
town; strengthened every point; enthused the lukewarm, and by 
emulation kept up a good spirit among them all. When General 
Carleton, leaving his army behind him, arrived in Quebec he 
found that Colonel Maclean had not only withstood the assaults 
of the Americans but had brought order and system out of chaos. 
In the final assault on the last day of the year, when the brave 
General Montgomery fell, the Highlanders were in the midst of 
the fray. 

Many of the Americans were captured at this storming of 
Quebec. One of them narrates that "January 4 tn > on tne next 
day, we were visited by Colonel Maclean, an old man, attended by 
other officers, for a peculiar purpose, that is, to ascertain who 
among us were born in Europe. We had many Irishmen and 
some Englishmen. The question was put to each ; those who ad- 
mitted a British birth, were told they must serve his majesty in 


Colonel Maclean's regiment, a new corps, called the emigrants. 
Our poor fellows, under the fearful penalty of being carried to 
Britain, there to be tried for treason, were compelled by necessity, 
and many of them did enlist."* 

Such men could hardly prove to be reliable, and it can be no 
astonishment to read what Major Henry Caldwell, one of the de- 
fenders of Quebec says of it: 

"Of the prisoners we took, about ioo of them were Euro- 
peans, chiefly from Ireland; the greatest part of them engaged 
voluntarily in Col. McLean's corps, but about a dozen of them de- 
serting in the course of a month, the rest were again confined, and 
not released till the arrival of the Isis, when they were again 
taken into the corps." f 

Colonel Arnold despairing of capturing the town by assault, 
established himself on the Heights of Abraham, with the intention 
of cutting off supplies and blockading the town. In this situation 
he reduced the garrison to great straits, all communication with 
the country being cut off. He erected batteries and made several 
attempts to get possession of the lower town, but was foiled at 
every point by the vigilance of Colonel Maclean. On the ap- 
proach of spring, Colonel Arnold, despairing of success, raised 
the siege. 

The battalion remained in the province of Canada during the 
war, and was principally employed in small, but harrassing enter- 
prises. In one of these, Captain Daniel Robertson, Lieutenant 
Hector Maclean, and Ensign Archibald Grant, with the grenadier 
company, marched twenty days through the woods with no other 
direction than the compass, and an Indian guide. The object 
being to surprise a small post in the interior, which was success- 
ful and attained without loss. By long practice in the woods the 
men had become very intelligent and expert in this kind of war- 

The reason why this regiment was not with the army of Gen- 
eral Burgoyne, and thus escaped the humiliation of the surrender 
at Saratoga, has been stated by that officer in the following lan- 
guage : that he proposed to leave in Canada "Maclean's Corps, 

*Henry's Campaign Against Quebec, 1775, p. 136. -(-Invasion of Canada 
1775, p. 14. 


because I very much apprehend desertions from such parts of it 
as are composed of Americans, should they come near the enemy. 
In Canada, whatsoever may be their disposition, it is not so easy 
to effect it."* 

Notwithstanding the conduct of Colonel Allan Maclean at 
the siege of Quebec and his great zeal in behalf of Britain his 
corps was not yet recognized, though he had at the outset been 
promised establishment and rank for it. He therefore returned to 
England where he arrived on September i, 1776, to seek justice 
for himself and men. They were not received until the close of 
1778, when the regiment was numbered the 84th, at which time 
Sir Henry Clinton was appointed its Colonel, and the battalions 
ordered to be augmented to one thousand men each. The uniform 
was the full Highland garb, with purses made of raccoons' in- 
stead of badger's skins. The officers wore the broad sword and 
dirk, and the men a half basket sword. 

"On a St. Andrew's day a ball was given by the officers of the 
garrison in which they were quartered to the ladies in the vicin- 
ity. When one of the ladies entered the ball-room, and saw offi- 
cers in the Highland dress, her sensitive delicacy revolted at 
what she though an indecency, declaring she would quit the room 
if these were to be her company. This occasioned some little em- 
barrassment. An Indian lady, sister of the Chief Joseph Branr, 
who was present with her daughters, observing the bustle, in- 
quired what was the matter, and being informed, she cried out, 
'This must be a very indelicate lady to think of such a thing; she 
shows her own arms and elbows to all the men, and she pretends 
she cannot look at these officers' bear legs, although she will look 
at my husband's bare thighs for hours together; she must think 
of other things, or she would see no more shame in*a man show- 
ing his legs, than she does in showing her neck and breast.' These 
remarks turned the laugh against the lady's squeamish delicacy, 
and the ball was permitted to proceed without the officers being 
obliged to retire." f 

With every opportunity offered the first battalion to desert, 
in consequence of offers of land and other inducements held out 
by the Americans, not one native Highlander deserted; and only 

*State of the Expedition, p. VI. tStewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, 
Vol. II, p. 186. 


one Highlander was brought to the halberts during the time they 
were embodied. 

The history of the formation of the two battalions is dissim- 
ilar; that of the second was not attended with so great difficulties. 
In the formation of the first all manner of devices were entered 
into, and various disguises were resorted to in order to escape de- 
tection. Even this did not always protect them. 

"It is beyond the power of Expression to give an Idea of the 
expence & trouble our Officers have Undergone in these expedi- 
tions into the Rebellious provinces. Some of them have been for- 
tunate enough to get off Undiscovered — But Many have been 
taken abused by Mobs in an Outragious manner & cast into pris- 
ons with felons, where they have Suffered all the Evils that re- 
vengeful Rage ignorance Bigotry & Inhumanity could inflict — 
There has been even Skirmishes on such Occasions. *****It was 
an uncommon Exertion in one of our Offrs. to make his Escape 
with forty highlanders from the Mohawk river to Montreal 
havg. had nothing to eat for ten days but their Dogs & herbs & in 
another to have on his private Credit & indeed ruin, Victualled a 
Considerable Number of Soldiers he had engaged in hopes of get- 
ting off with them to Canada, but being at last taken & kept in 
hard imprisonmt for near a year by the Rebels to have effected his 
escape & Collecting his hundred men to have brot them thro' the 
Woods lately from near Abany to Canada."* 

Difficulties in the formation of the regiment and placing it 
on the establishment grew out of the opposition of Governor 
Legge, and from him, through General Gage transmitted to the 
ministry, when all enlistments, for the time being were prohibited. 
The officers, from the start had been assured that the regiment 
should be placed on the establishment, and each should be entitled 
to his rank and in case of reduction should go on half pay. The 
officers should consist of those on half pay who had served in the 
last war, and had settled in America. When the regiment had 
been established and numbered, through the exertions of Colonel 
Maclean the ranks were rapidly filled, and the previous difficul- 
ties overcome. 

The winter of 1775- 1776, was very severe on the second bat- 
talion. Although stationed in Halifax they were without suffi- 

*Letter-Book, p. 356. 


cient clothing or proper food, or pay, and the officer in charge — 
Captain Alexander McDonald — without authority to draw 
money, or a regular warrant to receive it. In January "the men 
were almost stark naked for want of clothing," and even bare- 
footed. The plaids and Kilmarnocks could not be had. As late 
as March ist there was "not a shoe nor a bit of leather to be had 
in Halifax for either love or money," and men were suffering 
from their frosted feet. "The men made a horrid and scan- 
dalous appearance on duty, insulted and despised by the 
soldiers of the other corps." In April 1778, clothing that was 
designed for the first battalion, having been consigned to Halifax, 
was taken by Captain McDonald and distributed to the men of 
the second. Out of this grew an acrimonious correspondence. Of 
the food, Captain McDonald writes : 

"We are served Served Since prior to September last with 
Flower that is Rank poison at lest Bread made of Such flower — 
The Men of our Regiment that are in Command at the East Bat- 
tery brought me a Sample of the fflower they received for a 
Months provision, it was exactly like Chalk & as Sower as Vine- 
garr I asked the Doctors opinion of it who told me it was Suffi- 
cient to Destroy all the Regiment to eatt Bread made of Such 
fflower ; it is hard when Mens Lives are So precious and so much 
wanted for the Service of their King and country, that they 
Should thus wantonly be Sported with to put money in the pocket 
of any individuall."* 

It appears to have been the policy to break up the second bat- 
talion and have it serve on detached duty. Hence a detachment 
was sent to Newfoundland, another to Annapolis, at Cumberland, 
Fort Howe, Fort Edward, Fort Sackville and Windsor, but rally- 
ing at Halifax as the headquarters — to say nothing of those sent 
to the Southern States. No wonder Captain McDonald com- 
plains, "We have absolutely been worse used than any one Regi- 
ment in America and has done more duty and Drudgery of all 
kinds than any other Bn. in America these thre Years past and it 
is but reasonable Just and Equitable that we should now be Suf- 
fered to Join together at least as early as possible in the Spring 
and let some Other Regimt relieve the difft. posts we at present 
Occupy." f 

*Ibid, p. 303. flMd, p. 472. 


But it was not all garrison duty. Writing from Halifax, 
under date of July 13th, 1777, Captain McDonald says: 

"Another Attempt has been made from New England to in- 
vade this province wch. is also defeated by a detachmt from our 
Regt & the Marines on board of Captn Hawker. Our Detachmt 
went on board of him here & he having a Quick passage to the 
River St John's wch. divides Nova Scotia from New England & 
where the Rebells were going to take post & Rebuild the old fort 
that was there the last War. Immediately on Captn Hawker's 
Arrival there Our men under the Commd. of Ensn. Jno McDon- 
ald & the Marines under that of a Lieut were landed & Engaged 
the Enemy who were abt. a hundred Strong & after a Smart firing 
& some killed & wounded on both Sides the Rebells ran with the 
greatest precipitation & Confusion to their boats. Some of our 
light Armed vessells pursued them & I hope before this time they 
are either taken or starving in the Woods."* 

Whatever may be said of the good behavior of the men of the 
second battalion, there were three at least whom Captain McDon- 
ald describes as "rascales." He also gives the following severe 
rebuke to one of the officers : 

"Halifax 16th Febry 1777 
Mr. Jas. McDonald. 

I am sorry to inform you that every Accot I receive from 
Windsor is very unfavorable in regard to you. Your Cursed 
Carelessness & slovenlyness about your own Body and your dress 
Nothing going on but drinking Calybogus Schewing Tobacco & 
playing Cards in place of that decentness & Cleanliness that all 
Gentlemen who has the least Regard for themselves & Character 
must & does observe. I am afraid from your Conduct that you 
will be no Credit or honor to the Memories of those Worthies 
from whom you are descended & if you have no regard for them 
or your self I need not expect you'll be at any pains to be of Any 
Credit to me for anything I can do for you. I am about Giving 
you Rank agreeable to Col. McLean's plan & on Accot. of your 
having bro't more men to the Regimt. than either Mr. Fitz Gerd. 
or Campbell You are to be the Second in Command at that post 
Lt. Fitz Ger'd. the third & Campbell the fourth. And I hope I 
shall never have Occasion to write to you in this Manner again. 

*Ibid, p. 350. 


I beg you will begin now to mend your hand to write & learn to 
keep Accots. that you may be able to do Some thing like an offi- 
cer if ever you expect to make a figure in the Army You must 
Change your plan & lay yr. money out to Acquire such Accom- 
plishnrts. befitting an officer rather than Tobacco, Calybogus and 
the Devil knows what. I am tired of Scolding of you, so will say 
no more."* 

But little has been recorded of the five companies of the sec- 
ond battalion that joined Sir Henry Clinton and lord Cornwallis. 
The company called grenadiers was in the battle of Eutaw 
Springs, South Carolina, fought September 8, 1781. This was 
one of the most closely contested battles of the Revolution, in 
which the grenadier company was in the thickest and severest of 
the fight. The British army, under Colonel Alexander Stuart, of 
the 3rd regiment was drawn up in a line extending from Eutaw 
creek to an eighth of a mile southward. The Irish Buffs (third 
regiment) formed the right; Lieutenant Colonel Cruger's Loyal- 
ists the center; and the 63rd and 64th regiments the left. Near 
the creek was a flank battalion of infantry and the grenadiers, 
under Major Majoribanks, partially covered and concealed by a 
thicket on the bank of the stream. The Americans, under General 
Greene, having routed two advanced detachments, fell with great 
spirit on the main body. After the battle had been stubbornly 
contested for some time, Major Majoribank's command was or- 
dered up, and terribly galled the American flanks. In attempting 
to dislodge them, the Americans received a terrible volley from 
behind the thicket. Soon the entire British line fell back, Major 
Majoribanks covering the movement. They abandoned their 
camp, destroyed their stores and many fled precipitately towards 
Charleston, while Major Majoribanks halted behind the palisades 
of a brick house. The American soldiers, in spite of the orders 
of General Greene and the efforts of their officers began to pillage 
the camp, instead of attempting to dislodge Major Majoribanks. 
A heavy fire was poured upon the Americans who were in the 
British camp, from the force that had taken refuge in the brick 
house, while Major Majoribanks moved from his covert on the 

*IbiJ, p. 330. 


right. The light horse or legion of Colonel Henry Lee, remain- 
ing under the control of that officer, followed so closely upon those 
who had fled to the house that the fugitives in closing the doors 
shut out two or three of their own officers. Those of the legion 
who had followed to the door seized each a prisoner, and inter- 
posing him as a shield retreated beyond the fire from the windows. 
Among those captured was Captain Barre, a brother of the cele- 
brated Colonel Barre of the British parliament, having been 
seized by Captain Manning. In the terror of the moment Barre 
began to recite solemnly his titles : "I am Sir Henry Barre deputy 
adjutant general of the British army, captain of the 52d regiment, 
secretary of the commandant at Charleston — " "Are you in- 
deed?" interrupted Captain Manning; "you are my prisoner now, 
and the very man I was looking for ; come along with me." He 
then placed his titled prisoner between him and the fire of the 
enemy, and retreated. 

The arrest of the Americans by Major Majoribanks and the 
party that had fled into the brick house, gave Colonel Stuart an 
opportunity to rally his forces, and while advancing, Major 
Majoribanks poured a murderous fire into the legion of Colonel 
Lee, which threw them into confusion. Perceiving this, he sallied 
out seized the two field pieces and ran them under the windows of 
the house. Owing to the crippled condition of his army, and the 
shattering of his cavalry by the force of Major Majoribanks, Gen- 
eral Greene ordered a retreat, after a conflict of four hours. The 
British repossessed the camp, but on the following day decamped, 
abandoning seventy-two of their wounded. Considering the 
numbers engaged, both parties lost heavily. The Americans had 
one hundred and thirty rank and file killed, three hundred and 
eighty-five wounded, and forty missing. The loss of the British, 
according to their own report, was sixhundred and ninety-three 
men, of whom eighty-five were killed. 

At the conclusion of the war the transports bearing the com- 
panies were ordered to Halifax, where the men were discharged; 
but, owing to the violence of the weather, and a consequent loss 
of reckoning, they made the island of Nevis and St. Kitt's instead 
of Halifax. This delayed the final reduction till 1784. In the 


distant quarters of the first battalion, they were forgotten. By 
their agreement they should have been discharged in April 1783, 
but orders were not sent until July 1784. 

It is possible that a roll of the officers of the second battalion 
may be in existence. The following names of the officers are pre- 
served in McDonald's "Letter-Book" : 

Major John Small, commandant; Captains Alexander Mc- 
Donald, Duncan Campbell, Ronald McKinnon, Murdoch Mc- 
Lean, Alexander Campbell, John McDonald and Allan McDon- 
ald; Lieutenants Gerald Fitzgerald, Robert Campbell, James Mc- 
Donald and Lachlan McLean ; Ensign John Day ; chaplain, Doc- 
tor Boynton. 

The uniform of the Royal Highland Emigrant regiment was 
the full Highland garb, with purses made of raccoon's instead of 
badger's skins. The officers wore the broad sword and dirk, and 
the men a half basket sword, as previously stated. 

At the conclusion of the war grants of land were given to the 
officers and men, in the proportion of five thousand acres to a 
field officer, three thousand to a captain, five hundred to a sub- 
altern, two hundred to a serjeant and one hundred to each soldier. 
All those who had settled in America previous to the war, re- 
mained, and took possession of their lands, but many of the 
others returned to Scotland. The men of Major Small's battalion 
went to Nova Scotia, where they settled a township, and gave it 
the name of Douglas, in Hants County; but a number settled on 
East River. 

The first to come to East River, of the 84th, was big James 
Fraser, in company with Donald McKay and fifteen of his com- 
rades, and took up a tract of three thousand four hundred acres 
extending along both sides of the river. Their discharges are 
dated April 10, 1784, but the grant November 3, 1785. About the 
same time of the occupation of the East River, in Pictou County, 
the West Branch was occupied by men of the same regiment ; the 
first of whom were David McLean and John Fraser. 

The settlers of East Branch, or River, of the 84th, on the 
East side were Donald Cameron, a native of Urquhart, Scotland; 
served eight years ; possessed one hundred and fifty acres ; his son 


Duncan served two years as a drummer boy in the regiment. 
Alexander Cameron, one hundred acres. Robert Clark, one hun- 
dred acres. Finlay Cameron, four hundred. Samuel Cameron, 
one hundred acres. James Fraser, a native of Strathglass, three 
hundred and fifty acres. Peter Grant, James McDonald, Hugh 
McDonald, one hundred acres. 

On the west side of same river : James Fraser, one hundred 
acres. Duncan McDonald, one hundred acres. John McDonald, 
two hundred and fifty acres. Samuel Cameron, three hundred 
acres. John Chisholm, sen., three hundred acres. John Chisholm, 
jun., two hundred acres. John McDonald, two hundred and fifty 

Those who settled at West Branch and other places on East 
River were, William Fraser, from Inverness, three hundred and 
fifty acres. John McKay, three hundred acres. John Robertson, 
four hundred and fifty. William Robertson, two hundred acres. 
John Fraser, from Inverness, three hundred acres. Thomas 
Fraser, from Inverness, two hundred acres. Thomas McKinzie, 
one hundred acres. David McLean, a sergeant in the army, five 
hundred acres. Alexander Cameron, three hundred acres. Hec- 
tor McLean, four hundred acres. John Forbes, from Inverness, 
four hundred acres. Alexander McLean, five hundred acres. 
Thomas Fraser, Jun., one hundred acres. James McLellan, from 
Inverness, five hundred acres. Donald Chisholm, from Strath- 
glass, three hundred and fifty acres. Robert Dundas (four hun- 
dred and fifty acres), Alexander Dunbar (two hundred acres), 
and William Dunbar, (three hundred acres), all three brothers, 
from Inverness, and of the 84th regiment. James Cameron, 84th 
regiment, three hundred acres. John McDougall, two hundred 
and fifty acres. John Chisholm, three hundred acres. Donald 
Chisholm, Jun., from Inverness, four hundred acres. Robert 
Clark, 84th, one hundred acres. Donald Shaw, from Inverness, 
three hundred acres. Alexander Mcintosh, from Inverness, five 
hundred acres, and John McLellan, from Inverness, one hundred 
acres. Of the grantees of the West Branch, those designated 
from Inverness, were from the parish of Urquhart and served in 
the 84th, as did also those so specified. It is more than probable 


that all the others were not in the Royal Highland Emigrant reg- 
iment, or even served in the war. 

The members of the first, or Colonel MacLean's battalion set- 
tled in Canada, many of whom at Montreal, where they rallied 
around their chaplain, John Bethune. This gentleman acted as 
chaplain of the Highlanders in North Carolina, and was taken 
prisoner at the battle of Moore's Creek Bridge. After remaining 
a prisoner for about a year, he was released, and made his way to 
Nova Scotia and for some time resided at Halifax. He re- 
ceived the appointment of chaplain in the Royal Highland Emi- 
grant regiment. He received a grant of three thousand acres, lo- 
cated in Glengarry, and having a growing family to provide for, 
each of whom was entitled to two hundred acres, he removed to 
Williamstown, then the principal settlement in Glengarry. Be- 
sides his allotment of land, he retired from the army on half pay. 
In his new home he ever maintained an honorable life. 


The 42nd, or Black Watch, or Royal Highlanders, left 
America in 1767, and sailed direct for Cork, Ireland. In 1775 the 
regiment embarked at Donaghadee, and landed at Port Patrick, 
after an absence of thirty-two years from Scotland. From Port 
Patrick it marched to Glasgow. Shortly after its arrival in Glas- 
gow two compames were added, and all the companies were aug- 
mented to one hundred rank and file, and when completed num- 
bered one thousand and seventy-five men, including Serjeants and 

Hitherto the officers had been entirely Highlanders and 
Scotch. Contrary to the remonstrances of lord John Murray, the 
lord lieutenant of Ireland succeeded in admitting three English 
officers into the regiment. Lieutenants Crammond, Littleton, and 
Franklin, thus cancelling the commissions of Lieutenants Grant 
and Mackenzie. Of the soldiers nine hundred and thirty-one 
were Highlanders, seventy-four Lowland Scotch, five English, 
one Welsh and two Irish. 

On account of the breaking out of hostilities the regiment 


was ordered to embark for America. The recruits were instruct- 
ed in the use of the firelock, and, from the shortness of the time 
allowed, were even drilled by candle-light. New arms and ac- 
coutrements were supplied "to the men, and the Colonel, at his 
own expense, furnished them with broad swords and pistols. 

April 14, 1776, the Royal Highlanders, in conjunction with 
Fraser's Highlanders, embarked at Greenock to join an expedi- 
tion under General Howe against the Americans. After some 
delay, both regiments sailed on May 1st under the convoy of the 
Flora, of thirty-two guns, and a fleet of thirty-two ships, the 
Royal Highlanders being commanded by Colonel Thomas Stir- 
ling of Ardoch. Four days after they had sailed, the transports 
separated in a gale of wind. Some of the scattered transports of 
both regiments fell in with General Howe's army on their voyage 
from Halifax; and others, having received information of this 
movement, followed the main body and joined the army at Staten 

When Washington took possession of Dorchester heights, 
on the night of March 4, 1776, the situation of General Howe, in 
Boston, became critical, and he was forced to evacuate the city 
with precipitation. He left no cruisers in Boston bay to warn ex- 
pected ships from England that the city was no longer in his pos- 
session. This was very fortunate for the Americans, for a few 
days later several store-ships sailed into the harbor and were cap- 
tured. The Scotch fleet also headed that way, and some of the 
transports, not having received warning, were also taken in the 
harbor, but principally of Fraser's Highlanders. By the last of 
June, about seven hundred and fifty Highlanders belonging to the 
Scotch fleet, were prisoners in the hands of the Americans. 

The Royal Highlanders lost but one of their transports, the 
Oxford, and at the same time another transport in company with 
her, having on board recruits for Fraser's Highlanders, in all two 
hundred and twenty men. They were made prizes of by the Con- 
gress privateer, and all the officers, arms and ammunition were 
taken from the Oxford, and all the soldiers were placed on board 
that vessel with a prize crew of ten men to carry her into port. 
In a gale of wind the vessels became separated, and then the car- 


penter of the Oxford formed a party and retook her, and sailed 
for the Chesapeake. On June 20th, they sighted Commodore 
James Barron's vessel, and dispatched a boat with a sergeant, one 
private and one of the men who were put on board by the Con- 
gress to make inquiry. The latter finding a convenient opportun- 
ity, informed Commodore Barron of their situation, upon which 
he boarded and took possession of the Oxford, and brought her 
to Jamestown. The men were marched to Williamsburgh, Vir- 
ginia, where every inducement was held out to them to join the 
American cause. When the promise of miltary promotion failed 
to have an effect, they were then informed that, they would have 
grants of fertile land, upon which they could live in happiness and 
freedom. They declared they would take no land save what they 
deserved by supporting the king. They were then separated into 
small parties and sent into the back settlements ; and were not ex- 
changed until 1778, when they rejoined their regiments. 

Before General Sir William Howe's army arrived, or even 
any vessels of his fleet, the transport Crawford touched at Long 
Island. Under date of June 24, 1776, General Greene notified 
Washington that "the Scotch prisoners, with their baggage, have 
arrived at my Quarters." The list of prisoners are thus given : 

"Forty second or Royal Highland Regiment : Captain John 
Smith and Lieutenant Robert Franklin. Seventy-first Regiment : 
Captain Norman McLeod and lady and maid; Lieutenant Roder- 
ick McLeod; Ensign Colin Campbell and lady; Surgeon's Mate, 
Robert Boyce; John McAlister, Master of the Crawford trans- 
port; Norman McCullock, a passenger; two boys, servants; Mc- 
Donald, servant to Robert Boyce; Shaw, servant to Captain Mc- 
Leod. Three boys, servants, came over in the evening."* 

General Howe, on board the frigate Greyhound, arrived in 
the Narrows, from Halifax, on June 25th, accompanied by two 
other ships-of-war. He came in advance of the fleet that bore his 
army, in order to consult with Governor Tryon and ascertain the 
position of affairs at New York. For three or four days after his 
arrival armed vessels kept coming, and on the twenty-ninth the 
main body of the fleet arrived, and the troops were immediately 

*Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 1055. 


landed on Staten Island. General Howe was soon after rein- 
forced by English regulars and German mercenaries, and at about 
the same time Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Parker, with their 
broken forces came from the south and joined them. Before the 
middle of August all the British reinforcements had arrived at 
Staten Island and General Howe's army was raised to a force of 
thirty thousand men. On August 22nd, a large body of troops, 
under cover of the guns of the Rainbow, landed upon Long Isl- 
and. Soon after five thousand British and Hessian troops poured 
over the sides of the English ships and transports and in small 
boats and galleys were rowed to the Long Island shore, covered 
by the guns of the Phoenix, Rose and Greyhound. The invading 
force on Long Island numbered fifteen thousand, well armed and 
equipped, and having forty heavy cannon. 

The three Highland battalions were first landed on Staten 
Island, and immediately a grenadier battalion was formed by 
Major Charles Stuart. The staff appointments were taken from 
the Royal Highlanders. The three light companies also formed a 
battalion in the brigade under Lieutenant-Colonel Abercromby. 
The grenadiers were remarkable for strength and height, and con- 
sidered equal to any company in the army. The eight battalion 
companies were formed into two temporary battalions, the com- 
mand of one was given to Major William Murray, and that of the 
other to Major William Grant. These small battalions were bri- 
gaded under Sir William Erskine, and placed in the reserve, with 
the grenadiers and light infantry of the army, under command of 
lord Cornwallis. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Stirling, from the moment of landing, 
was active in drilling the 42d in the methods of fighting practiced 
in the French and Indian war, in which he was well versed. The 
Highlanders made rapid progress in this discipline, being, in gen- 
eral, excellent marksmen. 

It was about this time that the broadswords and pistols re- 
ceived at Glasgow were laid aside. The pistols were considered 
unnecessary, except in the field. The broadswords retarded the 
men when marching by getting entangled in the brushwood. 

The reserve of Howe's army was landed first at Gravesend 


Bay, and being moved immediately forward to Flat Bush, the 
Highlanders and a corps of Hessians were detached to a little dis- 
tance, where they encamped. The whole army encamped in front 
of the villages of Gravesend and Utrecht. A woody range of 
hill's, which intersected the country from east to west, divided the 
opposing armies. 

General Howe resolved to bring on a general action and 
make the attack in three divisions. The right wing under General 
Clinton seized, on the night of August 26th, a pass on the heights, 
about three miles from Bedford. The main body pushed into the 
level country which lay between the hills and the lines of General 
Israel Putnam. Whilst these movements were in process, Major- 
General Grant of Ballindalloch, with his brigade, supported by the 
Royal Highlanders from the reserve, was directed to march from 
the left along the coast to the Narrows, and make an attack in 
that quarter. At nine o'clock, on the morning of the 22nd, the 
right wing having reached Bedford, attacked the left of the Amer- 
ican army, which, after a short resistance, quitted the woody 
grounds, and in confusion retired to their lines, pursued by the 
British troops, Colonel Stuart leading with his battalion of High- 
land grenadiers. When the firing at Bedford was heard at Flat 
Bush, the Hessians advanced, and, attacking the center of the 
American army, drove them through the woods, capturing three 
cannon. Previously, General Grant, with the left of the army, 
commenced the attack with a cannonade against the Americans 
under lord Stirling. The object of lord Stirling was to defend the 
pass and keep General Grant in check. He was in the British par- 
liament when Grant made his speech against the Americans, and 
addressing his soldiers said, in allusion to the boasting Grant that 
he would "undertake to march from one end of the continent to 
the other, with five thousand men." "He may have his five thous- 
and men with him now — we are not so many — but I think we are 
enough to prevent his advancing further on his march over the 
continent, than that mill-pond," pointing to the head of Gowanus 
bay. This little speech had a powerful effect, and in the action 
showed how keenly they felt the insult. General Grant had been 
instructed not to press an attack until informed by signal-guns 


from the right wing. These signals were not given until eleven 
o'clock, at which time lord Stirling was hemmed in. When the 
truth flashed upon him he hurled a few of his men against lord 
Cornwallis, in order to keep him at bay while a part of his army 
might escape. Lord Cornwallis yielded, and when on the point or 
retreating received large reinforcements which turned the for- 
tunes of the day against the Americans. General Grant drove the 
remains of lord Stirling's army before him, which escaped across 
Gowanus creek, by wading and swimming. 

The victorious troops, made hot and sanguinary by the 
fatigues and triumphs of the morning, rushed upon the American 
lines, eager to carry them by storm. But the day was not wholly 
lost. Behind the entrechments were three thousand determined 
men who met the advancing British army by a severe cannonade 
and volleys of musketry. Preferring to win the remainder of the 
conquest with less bloodshed, General Howe called back his 
troops to a secure place in front of the American lines, beyond 
musket shot, and encamped for the night. 

During the action Washington hastened over from New 
York to Brooklyn and galloped up to the works. He arrived there 
in time to witness the catastrophe. All night he was engaged in 
strengthening his position; and troops were ordered from New 
York. When the morning dawned heavy masses of vapor rolled 
in from the sea. At ten o'clock the British opened a cannonade 
on the American works, with frequent skirmishes throughout the 
day. Rain fell copiously all the afternoon and the main body of 
the British kept their tents, but when the storm abated towards 
evening, they commenced regular approaches within five hundred 
yards of the American works. That night Washington drew off 
his army of nine thousand men, with their munitions of war, 
transported them over a broad ferry to New York, using such 
consummate skill that the British were not aware of his intention 
until next morning, when the last boats of the rear guard were 
seen out of danger. 

The American loss in the battle of Long Island did not ex- 
ceed sixteen hundred and fifty, of whom eleven hundred were 
prisoners. General Howe stated his own loss to have been, in 


killed, wounded, and prisoners, three hundred and sixty-seven. 
The loss of the Highlanders was, Lieutenant Crammond and nine 
rank and file wounded, of the 42d ; and three rank and filed killed, 
and two sergeants and nine rank and file wounded, of the 71st 

In a letter to lord George Germaine, under date of Septem- 
ber 4, 1776, lord Dunmore says: 

"I was with the Highlanders and Hessians the whole day, and 
it is with the utmost pleasure I can assure your lordship that the 
ardour of both these corps on that day must have exceeded his 
Majesty's most sanguine wish."* 

Active operations were not resumed until September 15th, 
when the British reserve, which the Royal Highlanders had re- 
joined after the action at Brooklyn, crossed the river in fiat boats 
from Newtown creek, and landed at Kip's bay covered by a se- 
vere cannonade from the ships-of-war, whose guns played briskly 
upon the American batteries. Washington, hearing the firing, 
rode with speed towards the scene of action. To him a most 
alarming spectacle was presented. The militia had fled, and the 
Connecticut troops had caught the panic, and ran without firing a 
gun, when only fifty of the British had landed. Meeting the 
fugitives he used every endeavor to stop their flight. In vain their 
generals tried to rally them; but they continued to flee in the 
greatest confusion, leaving Washington alone within eighty 
yards of the foe. So incensed was he at their conduct that he cast 
his chapeau to the ground, snapped his pistols at several of the 
fugitives, and threatened others with his sword. So utterly uncon- 
scious was he of danger, that he probably would have fallen had 
not his attendants seized the bridle of his horse and hurried him 
away to a place of safety. Immediately he took measures to pro- 
tect his imperilled army. He retreated to Harlem heights, and 
sent an order to General Putnam to evacuate the city instantly. 
This was fortunately accomplished, through the connivance of 
Airs. Robert Murray. General Sir William Howe, instead of 
pushing forward and capturing the four thousand troops under 

*Ibid, Series V. Vol. II, p. 159. 


General Putnam, immediately took up his quarters with his gen- 
eral officers at the mansion of Robert Murray, and sat down for 
refreshments and rest. Mrs. Murray knowing the value of time 
to the veteran Putnam, now in jeopardy, used all her art to detain 
her uninvited guests. With smiles and pleasant conversation, and 
a profusion of cakes and wine, she regaled them for almost two 
hours. General Putnam meanwhile receiving his orders, immed- 
iately obeyed, and a greater portion of his troops, concealed by the 
woods, escaped along the Bloomingdale road, and before being 
discovered had passed the encampment upon the Ineleberg. The 
rear-guard was attacked by the Highlanders and Hessians, just 
as a heavy rain began to fall ; and the drenched army, after losing 
fifteen men killed, and three hundred made prisoners, reached 
Harlem heights. 

"This night Major Murray was nearly carried off by the 
enemy, but saved himself by his strength of arm and presence of 
mind. As he was crossing to his regiment from the battalion 
which he commanded, he was attacked by an American officer and 
two soldiers, against whom he defended himself for some time 
with his fusil, keeping them at a respectful distance. At last, 
however, they closed upon him, when unluckily his dirk slipped 
behind, and he could not, owing to his corpulence, reach it. Ob- 
serving that the rebel (American) officer had a sword in his 
hand, he snatched it from him, and made so good use of it, that he 
compelled them to fly, before some men of the regiment, who had 
heard the noise, could come up to his assistance. He wore the 
sword as a trophy during the campaign."* 

On the 16th the light infantry was sent out to dislodge a 
party of Americans who had taken possession of a wood facing 
the left of the British. Adjutant-General Reed brought informa- 
tion to Washington that the British General Leslie was pushing 
forward and had attacked Colonel Knowlton and his rangers. 
Colonel Knowlton retreated, and the British appeared in full view 
and sounded their bugles. Washington ordered three companies 
of Colonel Weedon's .Virginia regiment, under Major Leitch, to* 
join Knowlton's rangers, and gain the British rear, while a 
feigned attack should be made in front. The vigilant General 

*Stewart's Sketches, Vol. I, p. 360. 


Leslie perceived this, and made a rapid movement to gain an ad- 
vantageous position upon Harlem plains, where he was attacked 
upon the flank by Knowlton and Leitch. A part of Leslie's force, 
consisting of Highlanders, that had been concealed upon the 
wooded hills, now came down, and the entire British body chang- 
ing front, fell upon the Americans with vigor. A short but severe 
conflict ensued. Major Leitch, pierced by three balls, was borne 
from the field, and soon after Colonel Knowlton was brought to 
the ground by a musket ball. Their men fought on bravely, con- 
testing every foot of the ground, as they fell back towards the 
American camp. Being reinforced by a part of the Maryland reg- 
iments of Griffiths and Richardson, the tide of battle changed. 
The British were driven back across the plain, hotly pursued by 
the Americans, till Washington, fearing an ambush, ordered a re- 

In the battle of Harlem the British loss was fourteen killed, 
and fifty officers and seventy men wounded. The 42nd, or Royal 
Highlanders lost one sergeant and three privates killed, and Cap- 
tains Duncan Macpherson and John Mackintosh, Ensign Alexan- 
der Mackenzie (who died of his wounds), and three sergeants, 
one piper, two drummers, and forty-seven privates wounded. 

This engagement caused a temporary pause in the move- 
ments of the British, which gave Washington an opportunity to 
strengthen both his camp and army. The respite was not of long 
duration for on October 12th, General Howe embarked his army 
in flat-bottomed boats, and on the evening of the same day landed at 
Frogsneck, near Westchester ; but on the next day he re-embarked 
his troops and landed at Pell's Point, at the mouth of the Hudson. 
On the 14th he reached the White Plains in front of Washington's 
position. General Howe's next determination was to capture Fort 
Washington, which cut off the communication between New York 
and the continent,, to the eastward and northward of Hudson 
river, and prevented supplies being sent him by way of Kings- 
bridge. The garrison consisted of over two thousand men under 
Colonel Magaw. A deserter informed General Howe of the real 
condition of the garrison and the works on Harlem Heights. Gen- 
eral Howe was agreeably surprised by the information, and im- 


mediately summoned Colonel Magaw to surrender within an 
hour, intimating that a refusal might subject the garrison to mas- 
sacre. Promptly refusing compliance, he further added: "I 
rather think it a mistake than a settled resolution in General 
Howe, to act a part so unworthy of himself and the British na- 
tion." On November 16th the Hessians, under General Knyp- 
hausen, supported by the whole of the reserve under earl Percy, 
with the exception of the 42nd, who were to make a feint on the 
east side of the fort, were to make the principal attack. Before 
daylight the Royal Highlanders embarked in boats, and landed 
in a small creek at the foot of the rock, in the face of a severe fire. 
Although the Highlanders had discharged the duties which had 
been assigned them, still determined to have a full share in the 
honors of the day, iesolved upon an assault, and assisted by each 
other, and by the brushwood and shrubs which grew out of the 
crevices of the rocks, scrambled up the precipice. On gaining the 
summit, they rushed forward, and drove back the Americans 
with such rapidity, that upwards of two hundred, who had no 
time to escape, threw down their arms. Pursuing their advan- 
tage, the Highlanders penetrated across the table of the hill, and 
met lord Percy as he was coming up on the other side. By turn- 
ing their feint into an assault, the Highlanders facilitated the suc- 
cess of the day. The result was that the Americans surrendered 
at discretion. They lost in killed and wounded one hundred and 
about twenty-seven hundred prisoners. The loss of the British 
was twenty killed and one hundred and one wounded ; that of the 
Royal Highlanders being one sergeant and ten privates killed, 
and Lieutenants Patrick Graeme, Norman Macleod, and Alexan- 
der Grant, and for sergeants and sixty-six rank and file, wounded. 
The hill, up which the Highlanders charged, was so steep, 
that the ball which wounded Lieutenant Macleod, entering the pos- 
terior part of his neck, ran down on the outside of his ribs, and 
lodged in the lower part of his back. One of the pipers, who be- 
gan to play when he reached the point of a rock on the summit of 
the hill, was immediately shot, and tumbled from one piece of 
rock to another till he reached the bottom. Major Murray, being 
a large and corpulent man, could not attempt the steep assent 


without assistance. The soldiers eager to get to the point of duty, 
scrambled up, forgetting the position of Major Murray, when he, 
in a supplicating tone cried, "Oh soldiers, will you leave me !" A 
party leaped down instantly and brought him up, supporting him 
from one ledge of rocks to another till they got him to the top. 

The next object of General Howe was to possess Fort Lee. 
Lord Cornwall is, with the grenadiers, light infantry, 33rd regi- 
ment and Royal Highlanders, was ordered to attack this post. 
But on their approach the fort was hastily abandoned. Lord 
Cornwallis, reenforced by the two battalions of Fraser's High- 
landers, pursued the retreating Americans, into the Jerseys, 
through Elizabethtown, Neward and Brunswick. In the latter 
town he was ordered to halt, where he remained for eight days, 
when General Howe, with the army, moved forward, and reached 
Princeton in the afternoon of November 17th. 

The army now went into winter quarters. The Royal High- 
landers were stationed at Brunswick, and Fraser's Highlanders 
quartered at Amboy. Afterwards the Royal Highlanders were 
ordered to the advanced posts, being the only British regiment in 
the front, and forming the line of defence at Mt. -Holly. After 
the disaster to the Hessians at Trenton, the Royal Highlanders 
were ordered to fall back on the light infantry at Princeton. 

Lord Cornwallis, who was in New York" at the time of the 
defeat of the Hessians, returned to the army and moved forward 
with a force consisting of the grenadiers, two brigades of the line, 
and the two Highland regiments. After much skirmishing in ad- 
vance he found Washington posted on some high ground beyond 
Trenton. Lord Cornwallis declaring "the fox cannot escape me,'' 
planned to assault Washington on the following morning. But 
while he slept the American commander, marched to his rear and 
fell upon that part of the army left at Princeton. Owing to the 
suddenness of Washington's attacks upon Trenton and Princeton 
and the vigilance he manifested the British outposts were with- 
drawn and concentrated at Brunswick where lord Cornwallis es- 
tablished his headquarters. 

The Royal' Highlanders, on January 6, 1777 were sent to the 
village of Pisquatua on the line of communication between New 


York and Brunswick by Amboy. This was a post of great im- 
portance, for it kept open the route by which provisions were sent 
for the forces at Brunswick. The duty was severe and the winter 
rigorous. As the homes could not accommodate half the men, of- 
ficers and soldiers sought shelter in barns and sheds, always sleep- 
ing in their body-clothes, for the Americans gave them but little 
quietude. The Americans, however, did not make any regular at- 
tack on the post till May ioth, when, at four in the morning, the 
divisions of Generals Maxwell and Stephens, attempted to sur- 
prise the Highlanders. Advancing with great caution they were 
not preceived until they rushed upon the pickets. Although the 
Highlanders were surprised, they held their position until the re- 
serve pickets came to their assistance, when they retired disputing 
every foot, to afford the regiment time to form, and come to their 
relief. Then the Americans were driven back with precipitation, 
leaving upwards of two hundred men, in killed and wounded. The 
Highlanders, pursuing with eagerness, were recalled with great 
difficulty. On this occasion the Royal Highlanders had three ser- 
geants and nine privates killed ; and Captain Duncan Macpherson, 
Lieutenant William Stewart, three sergeants, and thirty-five pri- 
vates wounded. 

"On this occasion, Sergeant Macgregor, whose company was 
immediately in the rear of the picquet, rushed forward to their 
support, with a few men who happened to have their arms in their 
hands, when the enemy commenced the attack. Being severely 
wounded, he was left insensible on the ground. When the picquet 
was overpowered, and the few survivors forced to retire, Mac- 
gregor, who had that day put on a new jacket with silver lace, 
having besides, large silver buckles in his shoes, and a watch, at- 
tracted the notice of an American soldier, who deemed him a good 
prize. The retreat of his friends not allowing him time to strip 
the sergeant on the spot, he thought the shortest way was to take 
him on his back to a more convenient distance. By this time 
Macgregor began to recover; and, perceiving whither the man 
was carrying him, drew his dirk, and, grasping him by the throat, 
swore that he would rim him through the breast, if he did not turn 
back and carry him to the camp. The American, finding this 
argument irresistible, complied with the request, and, meeting 
Lord Cornwallis (who had come up to the support of the regi- 
ment when he heard the firing) and Colonel Stirling, was thanked 


for his care of the sergeant; but he honestly told him, that he 
only conveyed him thither to save his own life. Lord Cornwallis 
gave him liberty to go whithersoever he chose."* 

Summer being well advanced, Sir William Howe made 
preparations for taking the field. The Royal Highlanders, along 
with the 13th, 17th, and 44th regiments were put under the com- 
mand of General Charles Gray. Failing to draw Washington 
from his secure position at Middlebrook, General Howe resolved 
to change the seat of war, and accordingly embarked thirty-six 
battalions of British and Hessians, and sailed for the Chesapeake. 
Before the embarkation, the Royal Highlanders received one hun- 
dred and seventy recruits from Scotland, who, as they were all 
of the best description, more than supplied the loss that had been 

After a tedious voyage the army, on August 24th, landed at 
Elk Ferry. It did not begin the march until September 3rd, for 
Philadelphia. In the meantime Washington marched across the 
country and took up a position at Red Clay Creek, but having his 
headquarters at Wilmington. His effective force was about 
eleven thousand men while that of General Howe was eighteen 
thousand strong. 

The two armies met on September nth, and fought the bat- 
tle of Brandywine. During the battle, lord Cornwallis, with four 
battalions of British grenadiers and light infantry, the Hessian 
grenadiers, a party of the 71st Highlanders, and the third and 
fourth brigades, made a circuit of some miles, crossed Jefferis' 
Ford without opposition, and turned short down the river to 
attack the American right. Washington, being apprised of this 
movement, detached General Sullivan, with all the force he could 
spare, to thwart the design. General Sullivan, having advan- 
tageously posted his men, lord Cornwallis was obliged to consume 
some time in forming a line of battle. An action then took place, 
when the Americans were driven through the woods towards the 
main army. Meanwhile General Knyphausen, with his division, 
made demonstrations for crossing at Chad's Ford, and as soon as 

Ibid, p. 367. 


he knew from the firing of cannon that lord Cornwallis had suc- 
ceeded, he crossed the river and carried the works of the Amer- 
icans. The approach of night ended the conflict. The Amer- 
icans rendezvoused at Chester, and the next day retreated towards 
Philadelphia, and encamped near Germantown. 

The British had fifty officers killed and wounded and four 
hundred and thirty-eight rank and file. The battalion companies 
of the 42nd being in the reserve, sustained no loss, as they were 
not brought into action ; but of the light company, which formed 
part of the light brigade, six privates were killed, and one ser- 
geant and fifteen privates wounded. 

On the night of September 20th, General Gray was detached 
with the 2nd light infantry and the 42nd and 44th regiments to 
cut off and destroy the corps of General Wayne. They marched 
with great secrecy and came upon the camp at midnight, when all 
were asleep save the pickets and guards, who were overpowered 
without causing an alarm. The troops then rushed forward, 
bayoneted three hundred and took one hundred Americans prison- 
ers. The British loss was three killed and several wounded. 

On the 26th the British army took peaceable possession of 
Philadelphia. In the battle of Germantown, fought on the morn- 
ing of October 4, 1777, the Highlanders did not participate. 

The next enterprise in which the 42nd was engaged was un- 
der General Gray, who embarked with that regiment, the grena- 
diers and the light infantry brigade, for the purpose of destroying 
a number of privateers, with their prizes at New Plymouth. On 
September 5, 1778, the troops landed on the banks of the Acushnet 
river, and having destroyed seventy vessels, with all the cargoes, 
stores, wharfs, and buildings, along the whole extent of the river, 
the whole were re-embarked the following day and returned to 
New York. 

The British army during the Revolutionary struggle took the 
winter season for a period of rest, although engaging more or 
less in marauding expeditions. On February 25, 1779, Colonel 
Stirling, with a detachment consisting of the light infantry of 
the Guards and the 42nd, was ordered to attack a post at Eliza- 
bethtown, in New Jersey, which was taken without opposition. 


In April following the Highland regiment was employed on an 
expedition to the Chesapeake, to destroy the stores and merchan- 
dise at Portsmouth, in Virginia. They were again employea 
with the Guards and a corps of Hessians in another expedition 
under General Mathews, which sailed on the 30th, under the con- 
voy of Sir George Collier, in the Reasonable, and several ships of 
war, and reached their destination on May 10th, when the troops 
landed on the glebe on the western bank of Elizabeth. After 
fulfilling the object of the expedition they returned to New York 
in good time for the opening of the campaign, which commenced 
by the capture, on the part of the British, of Verplanks and Stony 
Point. A garrison of six hundred men, among whom were two 
companies of Fraser's Highlanders, took possession of Stony 
Point. Washington planned its capture which was executed by 
General Wayne. Soon after General Wayne moved against Ver- 
planks, which held out till the approach of the light infantry and 
the 42nd, then withdrew his forces and evacuated Stony Point. 
Shortly after, Colonel Stirling was appointed aide-de-camp to the 
king, when the command of the 42nd devolved on Major Charles 
Graham, to whom was entrusted the command of the posts of 
Stony Point and Verplanks, together with his own regiment, and 
a detachment of Fraser's Highlanders, under Major Ferguson. 
This duty was the more important, as the Americans surrounded 
the posts in great numbers, and desertion had become so frequent 
among a corps of provincials, sent as a reinforcement, that they 
could not be trusted on any military duty, particularly on those 
duties which were most harassing. In the month of October 
these posts were withdrawn and the regiment sent to Greenwich, 
near New York. 

The winter of 1779 was the coldest that had been known for 
forty years; and the troops, although in quarters, suffered more 
from that circumstance than in the preceding winter when in 
huts. But the Highlanders met with a misfortune that greatly 
grieved them, and which tended to deteriorate, for several years, 
the heretofore irreproachable character of the Royal Highland 
Regiment. In the autumn of this year a draft of one hundred 
and fifty men, recruits raised principally from the refuse of the 


streets of London and Dublin, was embarked for the regiment by 
orders from the inspector-general at Chatham. These men were 
of the most depraved character, and of such dissolute habits, that 
one-half of them were unfit for service; fifteen died in the pass- 
age, and seventy-five were sent to the hospital from the transport 
as soon as they disembarked. The infusion of such immoral in- 
gredients must necessarily have a deleterious effect. General 
Stirling made a strong remonstrance to the commander-in-chief, 
in consequence of which these men were removed to the 26th regi- 
ment, in exchange for the same number of Scotchmen. The in- 
troduction of these men into the regiment dissolved the charm 
which, for nearly forty years, had preserved the Highlanders 
from contamination. During that long period there were but few 
courts-martial, and, for many years, no instance of corporal pun- 
ishment occurred. 

With the intention of pushing the war with vigor, the new 
commander-in-chief, Sir Henry Clinton, who had succeeded Sir 
William Howe, in May, 1778, resolved to attack Charleston, the 
capital of South Carolina. Having left General Knyphausen in 
command at New York, General Clinton with his army set sail 
December 26, 1779. Such was the severity of the weather, how- 
ever, that, although the voyage might have been accomplished in 
ten days, it was February II, 1780, before the troops disembarked 
on John's Island, thirty miles from Charleston. So great were 
the impediments to be overcome, and so cautious was the advance 
of the general, that it was March 29th before they crossed the 
Ashley river. The following day they encamped opposite the 
American lines. Ground was broken in front of Charleston on 
April 1st. General Lincoln, who commanded the American 
forces, had strengthened the place in all its defences, both by land 
and water, in such a manner as to threaten a siege that would be 
both tedious and difficult. When General Clinton, anticipating 
the nature of the works he desired to capture, sent for the Royal 
Highlanders and Queen's Rangers to join him, which they did on 
April 1 8th, having sailed from New York on March 31st. The 
siege proceeded in the usual way until May 12th, when the garri- 
son surrendered prisoners of war. The loss of the British forces 
on this occasion consisted of seventv-six killed and one hundred 



and eighty-nine wounded; and that of the 42nd, Lientenant 
Macleod and nine privates killed, and Lieutenant Alexander Grant 
and fourteen privates wounded. 

After Sir Henry Clinton had taken possession of Charleston, 
the 42nd and light infantry were ordered to Monck's Corner as a 
foraging party, and, returning on the 2nd, they embarked June 
4th for New York, along with the Grenadiers and Hessians. 
After being stationed for a time on Staten Island, Valentine's 
Hill, and other stations in New York, went into, winter quarters 
in the ctiv. About this time one hundred recruits were received 
from Scotland, all young men, in the full vigor of health, and 
ready for immediate service. From this period, as the regiment 
was not engaged in any active service during the war, the changes 
in encampments are too trifling to require notice. 

On April 28, 1782, Major Graham succeeded to the lieuten- 
ant-colonelcy of the Royal Highland Regiment, and Captain Wal- 
ter Home of the fusileers became major. 

While the regiment was stationed at Paulus Hook several of 
the men deserted to the Americans. This unprecedented and un- 
looked for event occasioned much surpise and various causes were 
ascribed for it; but the prevalent opinion was that the men had 
received from the 26th regiment, and who had been made pris- 
oners at Saratoga, had been promised lands and other in- 
dulgences while prisoners to the Americans. One of these desert- 
ers, a man named Anderson, was soon afterwards taken, tried by 
court-martial, and shot. This was the first instance of an execu- 
tion in the regiment since the mutiny of 1743. The regiment 
remained at Paulus Hook till the conclusion of the war, when the 
establishment was reduced to eight companies of fifty men each. 
The officers of the ninth and tenth companies were not put on 
half-pay, but kept as supernumeraries to fill up vacancies as they 
occurred in the regiment. A number of the men were discharged 
at their own request, and their places supplied by those who 
wished to remain in the country, instead of going home with their 
regiments. These were taken from Fraser's and Macdonald's 
Highlanders, and from the Edinburgh and duke of Hamilton's 


The 42nd left New York for Halifax, Nova Scotia, on Octo- 
ber 22, 1783, where they remained till the year 1786, when the 
battalion embarked and sailed for Cape Breton, two companies 
being detached to the island of St. John. In the month of August, 
1789, the regiment embarked for England, and landed in Ports- 
mouth in October. In May, 1790, they arrived in Glasgow. 

During the American Revolutionary War the loss of the 
Royal Highlanders was as follows : 







August 22nd and 27th, Long Island, including 
the battle of Brooklyn 

September 16th, York Island Supporting 
Light Infantry 

November 16th, Attack on Fort Washington 

December 22nd, At Black Horse, on the 

February 13th, At Amboy, Grenadier 

May 10th, Piscataqua, Jerseys 

September 11th, Battle of Brandywine. . . . 

October 5th, Battle of Germantown, the 
light company 

March 22nd, Foraging parties, Jerseys 

June 28th, Battle of Monmouth, Jerseys 

February 26th, Elizabethtown, Jerseys 

April and May to 12th, Siege of Charleston. 

March 16th, Detachment sent to forage from 

New York to the Jerseys 

September and October. Yorktown, in 
Virginia, light company 



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The breaking out of hostilities in America in 1775 deter- 
mined the English government to revive Fraser's Highlanders. 


Although disinherited of his estates Colonel Fraser, through the 
influence of clan feeling, was enabled to raise twelve hundred 
and fifty men in 1757, it was believed, since his estates had been 
restored in 1772, he could readily raise a strong regiment. So, 
in 1775, Colonel Fraser received letters for raising a Highland 
regiment of two battalions. With ease he raised two thousand 
three hundred and forty Highlanders, who were marched up to 
Stirling, and thence to Glasgow in April, 1776. This corps had 
in it six chiefs of clans besides himself. The regiment consisted 
of the following nominal list of officers : 


Colonel : Simon Fraser of Lovat ; Lieutenant-Colonel : Sir 
William Erskine of Torry; Majors: John Macdonell of Loch- 
garry and Duncan Macpherson of Cluny ; Captains : Simon Fra- 
ser, Duncan Chisholm of Chisholm, Colin Mackenzie, Francis 
Skelly, Hamilton Maxwell, John Campbell, Norman Macleod of 
Macleod, Sir James Baird of Saughtonhall and Charles Cameron 
of Lochiel; Lieutenants: Charles Campbell, John Macdougall, 
Colin Mackenzie, John Nairne, William Nairne, Charles Gordon, 
David Kinloch, Thomas Tause, William Sinclair, Hugh Fraser, 
Alexander Fraser, Thomas Fraser, Dougald Campbell, Robert 
Macdonald, Alexander Fraser, Roderick Macleod, John Ross, 
Patrick Cumming, and Thomas Hamilton; Ensigns: Archibald 
Campbell, Henry Macpherson, John Grant, Robert Campbell, 
Allan Malcolm, John Murchison, Angus Macdonell, Peter Fraser; 
Chaplain: Hugh Blair, D.D.; Adjutant: Donald Cameron; 
Quarter-Master : David Campbell ; Surgeon : William Fraser. 


Colonel : Simon Fraser of Lovat ; Lieutenant-Colonel : 
Archibald Campbell; Majors: Norman Lamont and Robert 
Menzies; Captains: Angus Mackintosh of Kellachy, Patrick 
Campbell, Andrew Lawrie, iEneas Mackintosh of Mackintosh, 
Charles Cameron, George Munro, Boyd Porterfield and Law 
Robert Campbell ; Lieutenants : Robert Hutchison, Alexander 


Sutherland, Archibald Campbell, Hugh Lamont, Robert Duncan- 
son, George Stewart, Charles Barrington Mackenzie, James 
Christie, James Fraser, Thomas Fraser, Archibald Balnevis, 
Dougald Campbell, Lodovick Colquhoun, John Mackenzie, Hugh 
Campbell, John Campbell, Arthur Forbes, Patrick Campbell, 
Archibald Maclean, David Ross, Robert Grant and Thomas Fra- 
ser; Ensigns: William Gordon, Charles Main, Archibald Camp- 
bell, Donald Cameron, Smollet Campbell, Gilbert Waugh, Will- 
iam Bain, and John Grant ; Chaplain : Malcolm Nicholson ; Ad- 
jutant: Archibald Campbell; Quarter-Master: J. Ogilvie; Sur- 
geon: Colin Chisholm. 

At the time Fraser's Regiment, or the 71st, was mustered in 
Glasgow, there were nearly six thousand Highlanders in that 
city, of whom three thousand, belonging to the 42nd, and 71st, 
were raised and brought from the North in ten weeks. More 
men had come up than were required. When the corps marched 
for Greenock, these were left behind. So eager were they to 
engage against the Americans that many were stowed away, who 
had not enlisted. On none of the soldiers was there the appear- 
ance of displeasure at going. 

Sometime after the sailing of the fleet it was scattered by a 
violent gale, and several of the single ships fell in with, and were 
scattered by, American privateers. A transport having Captain, 
afterward Sir yEneas Mackintosh, and his company on board, 
with two six pounders, made a resolute defence against a pri- 
vateer with eight guns, till all the ammunition was expended, 
when they bore down with the intention of boarding; but, the 
privateer not waiting to receive the shock, set sail, the transport 
being unable to follow. 

As has been previously noticed, General Howe, on evacuat- 
ing Boston, did not leave a vessel off the harbor to warn incoming 
British ships. Owing to this neglect, the transport with Colonel 
Archibald Campbell and Major Menzies on board sailed into 
Boston Harbor. The account of the capture of this transport and 
others is here'subjoined by the participants. Captain Seth Hard- 
ing, commander of the Defence, in his report to Governor Trum- 
bull, under date of June 19, 1776, said: 



"I sailed on Sunday last from Plymouth. Soon after we 
came to sail, I heard a considerable firing to the northward. In 
the evening fell in with four armed schooners near the entrance 
of Boston harbor, who informed me they had been engaged with 
a ship and brig, and were obliged to quit them. Soon after I 
came up into Nantasket Roads, where I found the ship and brig 
at anchor. I immediately fell in between the two, and came to 
anchor about eleven o'clock at night. I hailed the ship, who 
answered, from Great Britain. I ordered her to strike her colors 
to America. They answered me by asking, What brig is that ? I 
told them the Defence. I then hailed him again, and told him I 
did not want to kill their men; but have the ship I would at all 
events, and again desired them to strike; upon which the Major 
(since dead) said, Yes, I'll strike, and fired a broadside upon me, 
which I immediately returned, upon which an engagement begun, 
which continued three glasses, when the ship and brig both 
struck. In this engagement I had nine wounded, but none killed. 
The enemy had eighteen killed, and a number wounded. My 
officers and men behaved with great bravery ; no man could have 
outdone them. We took out of the above vessels two hundred 
and ten prisoners, among whom is Colonel Campbell, of General 
Frazer's Regiment of Highlanders. The Major was killed. 

Yesterday a ship was seen in the bay, which came towards 
the entrance of the harbor, upon which I came to sail, with four 
schooners in company. We came up with her, and took her with- 
out any engagement. There were on board about one hundred 
and twelve Highlanders. As there are a number more of the 
same fleet expected every day, and the General here urges my 
stay, I shall tarry a few days, and then proceed for New London. 
My brig is much damaged in her sails and rigging." 

Colonel Campbell made the following report to Sir William 
Howe, dated at Boston, June 19, 1776: 

"Sir: I am sorry to inform you that it has been my unfor- 
tunate lot to have fallen into the hands of the Americans in the 
middle of Boston harbor ; but when the circumstances which have 
occasioned this disaster are understood, I flatter myself no reflec- 
tion will arise to myself or my officers on account of it. On the 
16th of June the George and Annabella transports, with two com- 
panies of the Seventy-First Regiment of Highlanders, made the 
land off Cape Ann, after a passage of seven weeks from Scotland, 
during the course of which we had not the opportunity of speak- 
ing to a single vessel that could give us the smallest information 
of the British troops having evacuated Boston. On the 17th, at 


daylight, we found ourselves opposite to the harbor's mouth at 
Boston; but, from contrary winds, it was necessary to make sev- 
eral tacks to reach it. Four schooners (which we took to be 
pilots, or armed vessels in the service of his Majesty, but which 
were afterwards found to be four American privateers, of eight 
carriage-guns, twelve swivels, and forty men each) were bearing 
down upon us at four o'clock in the morning. At half an hour 
thereafter two of them engaged us, and about eleven o'clock the 
other two were close alongside. The George transport (on board 
of which were Major Menzies and myself, with one hundred and 
eight of the Second Battalion, the Adjutant, the Quartermaster, 
two Lieutenants ,and five volunteers, were passengers) had only 
six pieces of cannon to oppose them; and the Annabella (on board 
of which was Captain McKenzie, together with two subalterns, 
two volunteers, and eighty-two private men of the First Bat- 
talion) had only two swivels for her defence. Under such cir- 
cumstances, I thought it expedient for the Annabella to keep 
ahead of the George, that our artillery might be used with more 
effect and less obstruction. Two of the privateers having sta- 
tioned themselves upon our larboard quarter and two upon our 
starboard quarter, a tolerable cannonade ensued, which, with very 
few intermissions, lasted till four o'clock in the evening, when the 
enemy bore- away, and anchored in Plymouth harbor. Our loss 
upon this occasion was only three men mortally wounded on 
board the George, one killed and one man slightly wounded on 
board the Annabella. As my orders were for the port of Boston, 
I thought it my duty, at this happy crisis, to push forward into 
the harbor, not doubting I should receive protection either from a 
fort or some ship of force stationed there for the security of our 

Towards the close of the evening we perceived the four 
schooners that were engaged with us in the morning, joined by 
the brig Defence, of sixteen carriage-guns, twenty swivels, and 
one hundred and seventeen men, and a schooner of eight carriage- 
guns, twelve swivels, and forty men, got under way and made 
towards us. As we stood up for Nantasket Road, an American 
battery opened upon us, which was the first serious proof we had 
that there could scarcely be many friends of ours at Boston ; and 
we were too far embayed to retreat, especially as the wind had 
died away, and the tide of flood not half expended. After each 
of the vessels had twice run aground, we anchored at George's 
Island, and prepared for action; but the Annabella by some mis- 
fortune, got aground so far astern of the George we could expect 
but a feeble support from her musketry. About eleven o'clock 


four of the schooners anchored right upon our bow, and one right 
astern of us. The armed brig took her station on our starboard 
side, at the distance of two hundred yards, and hailed us to strike 
the British flag. Although the mate of our ship and every sailor 
on board (the Captain only excepted) refused positively to fight 
any longer, I have the pleasure to inform you that there was not 
an officer, non-commissioned officer, or private man of the 
Seventy-First but what stood to their quarters with a ready and 
cheerful obedience. On our refusing to strike the British flag, 
the action was renewed with a good deal of warmth on both sides, 
and it was our misfortune, after the sharp combat of an hour and 
a half, to have expended every shot that we had for our artillery. 
Under such circumstances, hemmed in as we were with six pri- 
vateers, in the middle of an enemy's harbor, beset with' a dead 
calm, without the power of escaping, or even the most distant 
hope of relief, I thought it became my duty not to sacrifice the 
lives of gallant men wantonly in the arduous attempt of an evi- 
dent impossibility. In this unfortunate affair Major Menzies 
and seven private soldiers were killed, the Quartermaster and 
twelve private soldiers wounded. The Major was buried with 
the honors of war at Boston. 

Since our captivity, I have the honor to acquaint you that we 
have experienced the utmost civility and good treatment from the 
people of power at Boston, insomuch, sir, that I should do injus- 
tice to the feelings of generosity did I not make this particular 
information with pleasure and satisfaction. I have now to re- 
quest of you that, so soon as the distracted state of this unfor- 
tunate controversy will admit, you will be pleased to take an early 
opportunity of settling a cartel for myself and officers. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most 
obedient and most humble servant, 

Archibald Campbell, 
Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment. 

P. S. On my arrival at Boston I found that Captain Max- 
well, with the Light-Infantry of the first battalion of the Seventy- 
First Regiment, had the misfortune to fall into the hands of some 
other privateers, and were carried into Marblehead the 10th in- 
stant. Captain Campbell, with the Grenadiers of the second bat- 
talion, who was ignorant, as we were, of the evacuation of Bos- 
ton, stood into the mouth of this harbor, and was surrounded and 
taken by eight privateers this forenoon. 

In case of a cartel is established, the following return is, as 
near as I can effect, the number of officers, non-commissioned of- 


ficers, and private men of the Seventy-First Regiment who are 
prisoners-of-war at and in the neighborhood of Boston : 

The George transport : Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Camp- 
bell; Lieutenant and Adjutant Archibald Campbell; Lieutenant 
Archibald Balneaves; Lieutenant Hugh Campbell; Quartermas- 
ter William Ogilvie; Surgeon's Mate, David Burns; Patrick Mc- 
Dougal, private, and acting Sergeant-Ma j or; James Flint, volun- 
teer; Dugald Campbell, ditto; Donald McBane, John Wilson, 
three Sergeants, four corporals, two Drummers, ninety private 

The Annabella transport: Captain George McKinzie; Lieu- 
tenant Colin McKinzie; Ensign Peter Fraser; Mr. McKinzie and 
Alexander McTavish, volunteers; four Sergeants, four Corpor- 
als, two Drummers, eighty-one private men. 

Lord Howe transport : Captain Lawrence Campbell ; Lieu- 
tenant Robert Duncanson; Lieutenant Archibald McLean; Lieu- 
tenant Lewis Colhoun; Duncan Campbell, volunteer; four Ser- 
geants, four Corporals, two Drummers, ninety-six private men. 

Ann transport: Captain Hamilton Maxwell; Lieutenant 

Charles Campbell; Lieutenant Fraser; Lieutenant ; four 

Sergeants, four Corporals, two Drummers, ninety-six private men. 

Archibald Campbell, 
Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment."* 

On account of the treatment received by General Charles Lee, 
a prisoner in the hands of Sir William Howe, and the covert 
threat of condign punishment on the accusation of treason, Con- 
gress resolved, January 6, 1777, that "should the proffered ex- 
change of General Lee, for six Hessian field-officers, not be accept- 
ed, and the treatment of him as aforementioned be continued, then 
the principles of retaliation shall occasion first of the said Hessian 
field-officers, together with Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Camp- 
bell, or any other officers that are or may be in our possession, 
equivalent in number or quality, to be detained, in order that the 
same treatment, which general Lee shall receive, may be exactly 
inflicted upon their persons." 

In consequence of this act Colonel Campbell was thrown into 
Concord gaol. On February 4th he addressed a letter to Wash- 
ington giving a highly colored account of his severe treatment, 
making it equal to that inflicted upon the most atrocious crimi- 
nals; and for the reasons he was so treated declaring that "the 

*Am. Archrres, Series 4, Vol. VI, p. 982. 



first of this month, I was carried and lodged in the common gaol 
of Concord, by an order of Congress, through the Council of 
Boston, intimating for a reason, that a refusal of General Howe 
to give up General Lee for six field-officers, of whom I was one, 
and the placing of that gentleman under the charge of the Pro- 
vost at New York, were the motives of their particular ill treat- 
ment of me." 

Washington, on February 28, 1777, wrote to the Council of 
Massachusetts remonstrating with them and directing Colonel 
Campbell's enlargement, as his treatment was not according to the 
resolve of Congress. The following day he wrote Colonel Camp- 
bell stating that he imagined there would be a mitigation of what 
he now suffered. At the same time Washington wrote to the 
Congress on the impolicy of so treating Colonel Campbell, declar- 
ing that he feared that the resolutions, if adhered to, might "pro- 
duce consequences of an extensive and melancholy nature." On 
March 6th he wrote to the president of Congress reaffirming his 
position on the impolicy of their attitude towards Colonel Camp- 
bell. To the same he wrote May 28th stating that "notwithstand- 
ing my recommendation, agreeably to what I conceived to be the 
sense of Congress, Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell's treatment con- 
tinues to be such as cannot be justified either on the principles of 
generosity or strict retaliation; as I have authentic information, 
and I doubt not you will have the same, that General Lee's situa- 
tion is far from being rigorous or uncomfortable." To Sir Wil- 
liam Howe, he wrote June 10th, that "Lieutenant-Colonel Camp- 
bell and the Hessian field-officers, will be detained till you recog- 
nise General Lee as a prisoner of war, and put him on the footing 
of claim. * * * The situation of Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, 
as represented by you, is such as I neither wished nor approve. 
Upon the first intimation of his complaints, I wrote upon the sub- 
ject, and hoped there would have been no further cause of un- 
easiness. That, gentleman, I am persuaded, will do me the jus- 
tice to say, he has received no ill treatment at my instance. Un- 
necessary severity and every species of insult I despise, and, I 
trust, none will ever have just reason to censure me in this 
respect." At this time Colonel Campbell was not in the gaol but 
in the jailer's house. On June 2d Congress ordered that Colonel 
Campbell and the five Hessian officers should be treated "with 
kindness, generosity, and tenderness, consistent with the safe cus- 
tody of their persons." 


Congress finally decided that General Prescott, who had been 
recently captured, should be held as a hostage for the good treat- 
ment of General Lee, and Washington was authorized to nego- 
tiate an exchange of prisoners. 

March 10, 1778, in a letter addressed to Washington by Sir 
William Howe, he concludes as follows : 

"When the agreement was concluded upon to appoint com- 
missioners to settle a general exchange, I expected there would 
have been as much expedition used in returning Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Campbell, and the Hessian field-officers, as in returning Ma- 
jor-General Prescott, and that the cartel might have been finished 
by the time of the arrival of General Lee. If, however, there 
should be any objection to General Prescott's remaining at New 
York, until the aforementioned officers are sent in, he shall, to 
avoid altercation, be returned upon requisition." 

To this Washington replied: 

"Valley Forge, 12 March, 1778. 

Sir: — Your letter of the 10th came to hand last night. The 
meeting of our commissioners cannot take place till the time ap- 
pointed in my last. 

I am not able to conceive on what principle it should be im- 
agined, that any distinction, injurious to Lieutenant-Colonel 
Campbell and the Hessian field officers, still exists. That they 
have not yet been returned on parole is to be ascribed solely to the 
remoteness of their situation. Mr. Boudinot informs me, that he 
momentarily expects their arrival, in prosecution of our engage- 
ment. You are well aware, that the distinction originally made, 
with respect to them, was in consequence of your discrimination 
to the prejudice of General Lee. On your receding from that dis- 
crimination, and agreeing to a mutual releasement of officers on 
parole, the difficulty ceased, and General Prescott was sent into 
New York, in full expectation, that General Lee would come out 
in return. So far from adhering to any former exception. I had 
particularly directed my commissary of prisoners to release Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Campbell, in lieu of Lieutenant Colonel Ethan 

It was not, however, until May 5, 1778 that Washington suc- 
ceeded in exchanging Colonel Campbell for Colonel Ethan Allen.* 
His imprisonment did not have any effect on his treatment of 
those who afterwards fell into his hands. 

*For Correspondence see Spark's Washington's Writings, Vols. IV, V. 


The death of Major Menzies was an irreparable loss to the 
corps, for he was a man of judgment and experience, and many 
of the officers and all the sergeants and soldiers totally inexper- 
ienced. Colonel Campbell was experienced as an engineer, but was 
a stranger to the minor and interior discipline of the line. But 
when it is considered that the force opposed to Fraser's regiment 
was also undisciplined, the duty and responsibility became less 

The greater part of the 71st safely landed towards the end 
of July, 1776 on Staten Island and were immediately brought to 
the front. The grenadiers were placed in the battalion under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Stuart, and the light infantry in Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Robert Abercromby's brigade; the other compan- 
ies were formed into three small battalions in brigades, under Sir 
William Erskine, then appointed Brigadier-General. In this 
manner, and, as has been noticed, without training, these men 
were brought into action at Brooklin. Nine hundred men of the 
42nd, engaged on this occasion, were as inexperienced as those 
of the 71st, but they had the advantage of the example of three 
hundred old soldiers, on which to form their habits, together with 
officers of long experience. 

The first proof of their capacity, energy and steadfastness was 
at the battle of Brooklin, where they fully met the expectations 
of their commander. They displayed great eagerness to push the 
Americans to extremities, and to compel them to abandon their 
strong position. General Howe, desiring to spare their lives, 
called them back. The loss sustained by this regiment, in the en- 
gagement was three rank and file killed, and two sergeants and 
nine rank and file wounded. 

The regiment passed the winter at Amboy, and in the skir- 
mishing warfare of the next campaign was in constant employ- 
ment, particularly so in the expeditions against Willsborough and 
Westfield, with which the operations for 1777 commenced. Im- 
mediately afterwards the army embarked for the Chesapeake. In 
the battle of Brandy wine, a part of the 71st was actively engaged, 
and the regiment remained in Pennsylvania until November, 
when they embarked for New York. Here they were joined by 


two hundred recruits who had arrived from Scotland in Septem- 
ber. These men along with one rmndred more recovered from the 
hospital, formed a small corps under Captain Colin Mackenzie 
and acted as light infantry in an expedition up the North river to 
create a diversion in favor of General Burgoyne's movements. 
This corps led a successful assault on Fort Montgomery on Oc- 
tober 6th, in which they displayed great courage. Captain Mac- 
kenzie's troops led the assault, and although so many were re- 
cruits, it was said that they exhibited conduct worthy of veterans. 

In the year 1778, the 71st regiment accompanied lord Corn- 
wallis on an expedition into the Jerseys, distinguished by a series 
of movements and countermovements. Stewart says that on the 
excursion into the Jerseys "a corps of cavalry, commanded by the 
Polish count Pulaski, were surprised and nearly cut to pieces by 
the light infantry under Sir James Baird."* This must refer to 
the expedition against Little Egg Harbor, on the eastern coast of 
New Jersey, which was a noted place of rendezvous for American 
privateers. The expedition was commanded by Captain Patrick 
Ferguson, many of whose troops were American royalists. They 
failed in their design, but made extensive depredations on both 
public and private property. A deserter from count Pulaski's 
command informed Captain Ferguson that a force had been sent 
to check these ravages and was now encamped twelve miles up the 
river. Captain Ferguson proceeded to surprise the force, and suc- 
ceeded. He surrounded the houses at night in which the unsus- 
pecting infantry were sleeping, and in his report of the affair 
said : 

"It being a night-attack, little quarter, of course, could be 
given ; so there were only five prisoners !" 

He had butchered fifty of the infantry on the spot, when the 
approach of count Pulaski's horse caused him to make a rapid re- 
treat to his boats, and a flight down the river, f Such expeditions 
only tended to arouse the Americans and express the most de- 
termined hatred towards their oppressors. They uttered vows of 
vengeance which they sought in every way to execute. 

♦Sketches, Vol. II, p. 97. fLossing's Washington and American Republic, 
Vol. II, p. 643. 


An expedition consisting of the Highlanders, two regiments 
of Hessians, a corps of provincials, and a detachment of artillery, 
commanded by Lieutentant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, sailed 
from Sandy Hook, November 2Q, 1778, and after a stormy pas- 
sage reached the Savannah river by the end of December. The 
1st battalion of the 71st, and the light infantry, under the immed- 
iate command of Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland, landed, without 
opposition a short distance below the town of Savannah. Cap- 
tain Cameron, without delay, advanced to attack the American 
advanced posts, when he and three of his men were killed by a 
volley. The rest instantly charged and drove the Americans back 
on the main body, drawn up in a line on an open plain in the rear 
of the town. The disembarkation, with the necessary arrange- 
ments for an attack was soon completed. At that time Savannah 
was an open town, without any natural strength, save that of the 
woods which covered both sides. Colonel Campbell formed his 
troops in line, and detached Sir James Baird with the light in- 
fantry through a narrow path, to get round the right flank of the 
Americans, while the corps, which had been Captain Cameron's, 
was sent round the left. The main army in front made demon- 
strations to attack. The Americans were so occupied with the 
main body that they did not perceive the flanking movements, and 
were thus easily surrounded. When they realized the situation 
they fled in great confusion. The light infantry closing in upon 
both flanks of the retreating Americans, they greatly suffered, 
losing upwards of one hundred killed and five hundred wounded 
and prisoners, with a British loss of but four soldiers killed and 
five wounded. The town then surrendered and the British took 
possession of all the shipping, stores, and forty-five cannon. 

Flushed with success Colonel Campbell made immediate 
preparations to advance against Augusta, situated in the interior 
about one hundred and fifty miles distant. No opposition was 
manifested, and the whole province of Georgia, apparently sub- 
mitted. Colonel Campbell established himself in Augusta, and 
detached Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, with two hundred men to 
the frontiers of Georgia. Meanwhile General Prevost, having ar- 
rived at Savannah from Florida, assumed command. Judging the 


ground occupied to be too extensive, he ordered Augusta evac- 
uated and the lines narrowed. This retrograde movement em- 
boldened the Americans and they began to collect in great num- 
bers, and hung on the rear of the British, cutting off stragglers, 
and frequently skirmishing with the rear guard. Although uni- 
formly maintaining themselves, this retreat dispirited the royal- 
ists (commonly called tories), and left them unprotected and un- 
willing to render assistance. 

It appears that the policy of General Prevost was not to en- 
courage the establishing of a provincial militia, so that the royal- 
ists were left behind without arms or employment, and the pat- 
riots formed bands and traversed the country without control. To 
keep these in check, inroads were made into the interior, and in 
this manner the winter months passed. Colonel Campbell, who 
had acted on a different system, obtained leave of absence and 
embarked for England, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland in 
command of the 71st regiment. 

The regiment remained inactive till the month of February 
1779, when it was employed in an enterprise against Brier Creek, 
forty miles below Augusta, a strong position defended by up- 
wards of two thousand men, besides one thousand occupied in de- 
tached stations. In front was a deep swamp, rendered passable 
only by a narrow causeway, and on each flank thick woods nearly 
impenetrable, but the position was open to the rear. In order to 
dislodge the Americans from this position Lieutenant-Colonel 
Duncan Macpherson, with the first battalion of the Highlanders, 
was directed to march upon the front of the position ; whilst Col- 
onel Prevost and Lieutenant Colonels Maitland and Macdonald, 
with the 2d battalion of the Highlanders, the light infantry, and 
a detachment of provincials, were ordered to attempt the rear by 
a circuitous route of forty-nine miles. Notwithstanding the 
length of the march through a difficult country, the movements 
were so well regulated, that in ten minutes after Colonel Mac- 
pherson appeared at the head of the causeway in front, Colonel 
Maitland's fire was heard in the rear, and Sir James Baird, with 
the light infantry rushed through the openings in the swamp on 
the left flank. The attack was made on March 3rd. The Ameri- 



cans under General Ashe were completely surprised. The entire 
army was lost by death, captivity and dispersion. On this occa- 
sion one fourth of General Lincoln's army was destroyed. The 
loss of the Highlanders being five soldiers killed, and one officer 
and twelve rank and file wounded. 

General Prevost was active and next determined to invade 
South Carolina. Towards the close of April he crossed the Sa- 
vannah river, with the troops engaged at Brier's Creek, and a 
large body of royalists and Creek Indians, and made slow marches 
towards Charleston. In the meantime General Lincoln had been 
active and recruited vigorously, and now mustered five thousand 
men under his command. Whilst General Prevost marched 
against General Lincoln's front, the former ordered the 71st to 
make a circuitous march of several miles and attack the rear. 
Guided by a party of Creek Indians the Highlanders entered a 
woody swamp at eleven o'clock at night, in traversing which they 
were frequently up to the shoulders in the swamp. They emerged 
from the woods the next morning at eight o'clock with their am- 
munition destroyed. They were now within a half mile of Gen- 
eral Lincoln's rear guard which they attacked and drove from 
their position without sustaining loss. Reaching Charleston on 
May nth General Prevost demanded instantly its surrender, but 
a dispatch from General Lincoln notified the people that he was 
coming to their relief. General Prevost, fearing that General Lin- 
coln would cut off his communication with Savannah, commenced 
his retreat towards that city, at midnight, along the coast. This 
route exposed his troops to much suffering, having to march 
through unfrequented woods, salt water marshes and swamps. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Prevost, the Quartermaster-General, and a 
man of the name of Macgirt, and a person under his orders, had 
gone on a foraging expedition, and were not returned from their 
operations ; and in order to protect them Colonel Maitland, with a 
battalion of Highlanders and some Hessians, was placed in a hast- 
ily constructed redoubt at Stono Ferry, ten miles below Charles- 
ton. On June 20th these men were attacked by a part of Gen- 
eral Lincoln's force. When their advance was reported, Captain 
Colin Campbell, with four officers and fifty-six men, was sent out 


to reconnoitre. .A thick wood covered the approach of the Amer- 
icans till they reached a clear field on which Captain Campbell's 
party stood. Immediately he attacked the Americans and a des- 
perate resistance ensued; all the officers and non-commissioned 
officers of the Highlanders fell, seven soldiers alone remaining on 
their feet. It was not intended that the resistance should be of 
such a nature, but most of the men had been captured in Boston 
Harbor, and had only been recently exchanged, and this being 
their first appearance before an enemy, and thought it was dis- 
graceful to retreat when under fire. When Captain Campbell fell 
he directed his men to make the best of their way to the redoubt ; 
but they refused to obey, and leave their officers on the field. The 
Americans, at this juncture ceased firing, and the seven soldiers 
carried their officers along with them, followed by such as were 
able to walk. The Americans advanced on the redoubts with par- 
tial success. The Hessians having got into confusion in the re- 
doubt, which they occupied, the Americans forced an entrance, 
but the 71st having driven back those who attacked their redoubt, 
Colonel Maitland was enabled to detach two companies of High- 
landers to the support of the Hessians. The Americans were in- 
stantly driven out of the redoubt at the point of the bayonet, and 
while preparing for another attempt, the 2d battalion of High- 
landers came up, when despairing of success they retreated at all 
points, leaving many killed and wounded. 

The resistance offered by Captain Campbell afforded their 
friends in the redoubts time to prepare, and likewise to the 2d bat- 
talion in the island to march by the difficult and circuitous route 
left open for them. The delay in the 2d battalion was also caused 
by a want of boats. Two temporary ferry-boats had been estab- 
lished, but the men in charge ran away as soon as the firing began. 
The Americans opened a galling fire on the men as they stood on 
the banks of the river. Lieutenant Robert Campbell plunged into 
the water and swam across, followed by a few soldiers, returned 
with the boats, and thus enabled the battalion to cross over to the 
support of their friends. Five hundred and twenty Highlanders 
and two hundred Hessians successfully resisted all the efforts of 
the Americans twelve hundred strong, and this with a trifling loss 


in comparison to the service rendered. When the Americans fell 
back, the whole garrison sallied out, but the light troops cov- 
ered the retreat so successfully, that all the wounded were 
brought off. In killed and wounded the Americans lost one hun- 
dred and forty-six and one hundred and fifty missing. The Brit- 
ish loss was three officers and thirty-two soldiers killed and 
wounded. Three days afterwards, the foraging party having re- 
turned, the British evacuated Stono Ferry, and retreated from 
island to island, until they reached Beaufort, on Port Royal, 
where Colonel Maitland was left with seven hundred men, while 
General Prevost, with the main body of the army, continued his 
difficult and harrassing march to Savannah. 

In the month of September 1779, the count D'Estaing ar- 
rived on the coast of Georgia with a fleet of twenty sail of the line, 
two fifty gun ships, seven frigates, and transports, with a body of 
troops on board for the avowed purpose of retaking Savannah. 
The garrison consisted of two companies of the 16th regiment, 
two of the 60th, one battalion of Highlanders, and one weak bat- 
talion of Hessians; in all about eleven hundred effective men. The 
combined force of French and Americans was four thousand nine 
hundred and fifty men. While General Lincoln and his force 
were approaching the French effected a landing at Beuley and 
Thunderbolt, without opposition. General Mcintosh urged count 
D'Estaing to make an immediate assault upon the British works. 
This advice was rejected, and count D'Estaing advanced within 
three miles of Savannah and demanded an unconditional surren- 
der to the king of France. General Prevost asked for a truce 
until next day which was granted, and in the meanwhile twelve 
hundred white men and negroes were employed in strengthening 
the fortifications and mounting additional ordnance. This truce 
General Lincoln at once perceived was fatal to the success of the 
beseigers, for he had ascertained that Colonel Maitland, with his 
troops, was on his way from Beaufort, to reinforce General Pre- 
vost, and that his arrival within twenty-four hours, was the ob- 
ject which was designed by the truce. Colonel Maitland, con- 
ducted by a negro fisherman, passed through a creek with his 
boats, at high water, and concealed by a fog, eluded the French, 


and entered the town on the afternoon of September 17th. His 
arrival gave General Prevost courage, and towards evening he 
sent a note to count D'Estaing, bearing a positive refusal to capit- 
ulate. All energies were now bent towards taking the town by 
regular approaches. Ground was broken on the morning of Sep- 
tember 23rd, and night and day the besiegers plied the spade, and 
so vigorously was the work prosecuted, that in the course of 
twelve days fifty-three cannon and fourteen mortars were 
mounted. During these days two sorties were made. The morn- 
ing of September 24th, Major Colin Graham, with the light com- 
pany of the 1 6th regiment, and the two Highland battalions, 
dashed out, attacked the besiegers, drove them from their works, 
and then retired with the loss of Lieutenant Henry Macpherson 
of the 71st, and three privates killed, and fifteen wounded. On 
September 27th, Major Macarthur, with the pickets of the High- 
landers advanced with such caution and address, that, after firing 
a few rounds, the French and Americans, mistaking their object, 
commenced a fire on each other, by which they lost fifty men ; and, 
in the meantime Major Macarthur retired. These sorties had no 
effect on the general operations. 

On the morning of October 4th, the batteries having been all 
completed and manned, a terrible bombardment was opened upon 
the British works and the town. The French frigate Truite also 
opened a cannonade. Houses were shattered, men, women and 
children were killed or maimed, and terror reigned. Day and 
night the cannonade was continued until the 9th. Victory was 
within the grasp of the besiegers, when count D'Estaing became 
impatient and determined on an assault. Just before dawn on the 
morning of the 9th four thousand five hundred men of the com- 
bined armies moved to the assault, in the midst of a dense 
fog and under cover of a heavy fire from the batteries. 
They advanced in three columns, the principal one commanded by 
count D'Estaing in person, assisted by General Lincoln; another 
column by count Dillon. The left column taking a great circuit 
got entangled in a swamp, and, being exposed to the guns of the 
garrison, was unable to advance. The others made the advance in 
the best manner, but owing to the fire of the batteries suffered se- 


verely. Many entered the ditch, and even ascended and planted 
the colors on the parapet, where several were killed. Captain 
Tawse, of the 71st, who Commanded the redoubt, plunged his 
sword into the first man who mounted, and was himself shot dead 
by the man who followed. Captain Archibald Campbell then as- 
sumed the command, and maintained his post till supported by the 
grenadiers of the 60th, when the assaulting column being attacked 
on both sides, was completely broken, and driven back with such 
expedition, that a detachment of the 71st, ordered by Colonel 
Maitland to hasten and assist those who were so hard pressed by 
superior numbers, could not overtake them. The other columns, 
seeing the discomfiture of the principal attack, retired without any 
further attempt. 

It is the uniform testimony of those who have studied this 
siege that if count D'Estaing had immediately on landing made 
the attack, the garrison must have succumbed. General Lincoln, 
although his force was greatly diminished by the action just 
closed, wished to continue the siege; but count D'Estaing re- 
solved on immediate departure. General Lincoln was indignant, 
but concealed his wrath ; and being too weak to carry on the siege 
alone, he at last consented to abandon it. 

The French loss, in killed and wounded, was six hundred and 
thirty-seven men, and the American four hundred and fifty-seven. 
The British lost one captain, two subalterns, four sergeants, and 
thirty-two soldiers, killed; and two captains, two sergeants, two 
drummers, and fifty-six soldiers, wounded. Colonel Maitland 
was attacked with a bilious disease during the siege and soon 
after died. The British troops had been sickly before Savannah 
was attacked; but the soldiers were reanimated, and sickness, in 
a manner, was suspended, during active operations. But when 
the Americans withdrew, and all excitement had ceased, sickness 
returned with aggravated violence, and fully one fourth the men 
were sent to the hospital. 

While these operations were going on in Georgia and South 
Carolina a disaster overtook the grenadiers of the 71st who were 
posted at Stony Point and Verplanks, in the state of New York. 
Washington planned the attack on Stony Point and deputed Gen- 


eral Wayne to execute it. So secretly was the whole movement 
conducted, that the British garrison was unsuspicious of danger. 
At eight o'clock, on the evening of July 15, 1779, General Wayne 
took post in a hollow, within two miles of the fort on Stony Point, 
and there remained unperceived until midnight, when he formed 
his men into two columns, Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury leading one 
division and Major Stewart the other. At the head of each was a 
forlorn hope of twenty men. Both parties were close upon the 
works before they were discovered. A skirmish with the pickets 
at once ensued, the Americans using the bayonet only. In a few 
moments the entire works were manned, and the Americans were 
compelled to press forward in the face of a terrible storm of 
grape shot and musket balls. Over the ramparts and into the fort 
both columns pushed their way. At two o'clock the morning of 
the 1 6th, General Wayne wrote to Washington: 

"The fort and garrison, with Colonel Johnson, are ours. The 
officers and men behaved like men who were determined to be 

The British lost nineteen soldiers killed, and one captain, two 
subalterns, and seventy two soldiers, wounded; and, in all, includ- 
ing prisoners, six hundred. The principal part of this loss fell 
upon the picket, commanded by Lieutenant dimming of the 71st, 
which resisted one of the columns till almost all of the men of the 
picket, were either killed or wounded, Lieutenant Cumming being 
among the latter. The Americans lost fifteen killed and eighty- 
three wounded. 

The force which had so ably defended Savannah remained 
there in quarters during the winter of 1779 and 1780. In the 
month of March 1780, Sir Henry Clinton arrived before Charles- 
ton with a force from New York, which he immediately invested 
and rigorously pushed the siege. The chief engineer, Captain 
Moncrieff was indefatigable, and being fearless of danger, was 
careless of the lives of others. Having served two years with the 
71st, and believing it would gratify the Highlanders to select them 
for dangerous service, he generally applied for a party of that 
corps fOr all exposed duties. 

After the surrender of Charleston, on May 12, 1780, to the 


army under Sir Henry Clinton, the British forces in the southern 
states were placed under the command of lord Cornwallis. The 
71st composed a part of this army, and with it advanced into the 
interior. In the beginning of June, the army amounting to twen- 
ty-five hundred, reached Camden, a central place fixed upon for 
headquarters. The American general, Horatio Gates, having, in 
July, assembled a force marched towards Camden. The people 
generally were in arms and the British officers perplexed. Major 
Macarthur who was at Cheraw to encourage the royalists, was or- 
dered to fall back towards Camden. Lord Cornwallis, seeing the 
gathering storm hastily left Charleston and joined lord Rawdon 
at Camden, arriving there on August 13th. Both generals of the 
opposing forces on the night of August 15th moved towards each 
other with the design of making an attack. The British troops 
consisted of the 23d and 33d regiments, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
Webster; Tarleton's legion; Irish volunteers; a part of Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Hamilton's North Carolina Regiment; Bryan's corps 
of royalists, under lord Rawdon, with two six and two three 
pounders commanded by Lieutenant McLeod; and the 71st regi- 
ment. Camden was left in the care of Major Macarthur, with the 
sick and convalescents. 

Both armies were surprised, and each fired at the same mo- 
ment, which occurred at three o'clock on the morning of August 
16th. Both generals, ignorant of each other's force, declined gen- 
eral action, and lay on their arms till morning. When the British 
army formed in line of battle, the light infantry of the Highland- 
ers, and the Welsh fusileers were on the right; the 33d regiment 
and the Irish volunteers occupied the center ; the provincials were 
on the left, with the marshy ground in their front. While the 
army was thus forming, Captain Charles Campbell, who com- 
manded the Highland light companies on the right, placed himself 
on the stump of an old tree to reconnoitre, and observing the 
Americans moving as with the intention of turning his flank, 
leaped down, and giving vent to an oath, called to his men, "Re- 
member you are light infantry ; remember you are Highlanders : 
Charge !" The attack was rapid and irresistible, and being made 
before the Americans had completed their movement by which 


they were to surround the British right, they were broken and 
driven from the field, prior to the beginning of the battle in other 
parts of the line. When the battle did commence the American 
center gained ground. Lord Cornwallis opened his center to the 
right and left, till a considerable space intervened, and then di- 
rected the Highlanders to move forward and occupy the vacant 
space. When this was done, he cried out, "My brave Highland- 
ers, now is your time." They instantly rushed forward accom- 
panied by the Irish volunteers and the 33d, and penetrated and 
completely overthrew the American column. However the Ameri- 
can right continued to advance and gained the ground on which 
the Highlanders had been placed originally as a reserve. They 
gave three cheers for victory ; but the smoke clearing up they saw 
their mistake. A party of Highlanders turning upon them, the 
greater part threw down their arms, while the remainder fled in 
all directions. The victory was complete. The loss of the British 
was one captain, one subaltern, two sergeants, and sixty-four 
soldiers killed ; and two field officers, three captains, twelve subal- 
terns, thirteen sergeants, and two hundred and thirteen soldiers 
wounded. The Highlanders lost Lieutenant Archibald Campbell 
and eight soldiers killed; and Captain Hugh Campbell, Lieuten- 
ant John Grant, two sergeants, and thirty privates wounded. The 
loss of the Americans was never ascertained, but estimated at 
seven hundred and thirty two. 

General Sumter, with a strong corps, occupied positions on 
the Catawba river, which commanded the road to Charleston, 
and from which lord Cornwallis found it necessary to dislodge 
him. For this purpose Colonel Tarleton was sent with the cavalry 
and a corps of light infantry, under Captain Charles Campbell of 
the 71st regiment. The heat was excessive; many of the horses 
failed on the march, and not more than forty of the infantry were 
together in front, when, on the morning of the 18th, they came in 
sight of Fishing Creek, and on their right saw the smoke at a 
short distance. The sergeant of the advanced guard halted his 
party and then proceeded to ascertain the cause of the smoke. He 
saw the encampment, with arms piled, but a few sentinels and no 
pickets. He returned and reported the same to Captain Camp- 


bell who commanded in front. With his usual promptness Cap- 
tain Campbell formed as many of the cavalry as had come up, and 
with the party of Highland infantry, rushed forward, and direct- 
ing their route to the piled arms, quickly secured them and sur- 
prised the camp. The success was complete; a few were killed; 
nearly five hundred taken prisoners, and the rest dispersed. But the 
victory was dampened by the loss of the gallant Captain Camp- 
bell, who was killed by a -random shot. 

These partial successes were soon counterbalanced by defeats 
of greater importance. From what had been of great discourage- 
ment, the Americans soon rallied, and threatened the frontiers of 
South Carolina, and on October 7th overthrew Major Ferguson at 
King's Mountain, who sustained a total loss of eleven hundred 
and five men, out of eleven hundred and twenty-five. At the plan- 
tation of Blackstocks, November 20th, Colonel Tarleton, with 
four hundred of his command, engaged General Sumter, when 
the former was driven off with a loss of ninety killed, and about 
one hundred wounded. The culminating point of these reverses 
was the battle of the Cowpens. 

A new commander for the southern department took charge 
of the American forces, in the person of Major-General Nathan- 
iel Greene, who stood, in miltary genius, second only to Washing- 
ton, and who was thoroughly imbued with the principles practiced 
by that great man. Lord Cornwallis, the ablest of the British 
tacticians engaged in the American Revolution, found more than 
his equal in General Greene. He had been appointed to the com- 
mand of the Southern Department, by Washington, on October 
30, 1780, and immediately proceeded to the field of labor, and on 
December 3rd, took formal command of the army, and was ex- 
ceedingly active in the arrangement of the army, and in wisely 
directing its movements. His first arrangement was to divide his 
army into two detachments, the larger of which, under himself 
was to be stationed opposite Cheraw Hill, on the east side of the 
Pedee river, about seventy miles to the right of the British army, 
then at Winnsborough. The other, composed of about one thous- 
and troops, under General Daniel Morgan, was placed some fifty 
miles to the left, near the junction of Broad and Parcolet rivers. 


Colonel Tarleton was detached to disperse the little army of Gen- 
eral Morgan, having with him, the 7th or Fusileers, the 1st battal- 
ion of Fraser's Highlanders, or 71st, two hundred in number, a 
detachment of the British Legion, and three hundred cavalry. In- 
telligence was received, on the morning of January 17, 1781, that 
General Morgan was drawn up in front on rising ground. The 
British were hastily formed, with the Fusileers, the Legion, and 
the light infantry in front, and the Highlanders and cavalry form- 
ing the reserve. As soon as formed the line was ordered to ad- 
vance rapidly. Exhausted by running, it received the American 
fire at the distance of thirty or forty paces. The effect was so 
great as to produce something of a recoil. The fire was returned; 
and the light infantry made two attempts to charge, but were re- 
pulsed with loss. The Highlanders next were ordered up, and 
rapidlv advancing in charge, the American front line gave way 
and retreated through an open space in the second line. This 
manoeuvre was made without interfering with the ranks of those 
who were now to oppose the Highlanders, who ran in to take ad- 
vantage of what appeared to them to be a confusion of the Amer- 
icans. The second line threw in a fire upon the 71st, when within 
forty yards which was so destructive that nearly one half their 
number fell; and those who remained were so scattered, having 
run a space of five hundred yards at full speed, that they could not 
be united to form a charge with the bayonet. They did not im- 
mediately fall back, but engaged in some irregular firing, when 
the American line pushed forward to the right flank of the High- 
landers, who now realized that there was no prospect of support, 
and while their number was diminishing that of their foe was in- 
creasing. They first wavered, then began to retire, and finally to 
run. This is said to have been the first instance of a Highland 
regiment running from an enemy.* This repulse struck a panic 
into those whom they left in the rear, and who fled in the great- 
est confusion. Order and command were lost, and the rout be- 
came general. Few of the infantry escaped, and the cavalry saved 
itself by putting their horses to full speed. The Highlanders re- 

*Stewart's Sketches, Vol. II, p. 116. 


formed in the rear, and might have made a soldier-like retreat if 
they had been supported. 

The battle of the Cowpens was disastrous in its consequences 
to the British interests, as it inspired the Americans with confi- 
dence. Colonel Tarleton had been connected with frequent vic- 
tories, and his name was associated with that of terror. He was 
able on a quick dash, but by no means competent to cope with the 
solid judgment and long experience of General Morgan. The 
disposition of the men under General Morgan was judicious; and 
the conduct of Colonels Washington and Howard, in wheeling and 
manceuvering their corps, and throwing in such destructive vol- 
leys on the Highlanders, would have done credit to any comman- 
der. To the Highlanders the defeat was particularly unfortun- 
ate. Their officers were perfectly satisfied with the conduct of 
their men, and imputing the disaster altogether to the bad dispo- 
sitions of Colonel Tarleton, made representations to lord Corn- 
wallis, not to be employed again under the same officer, a request 
with which compliance was made. This may be the reason that 
Colonel Tarleton gives them no credit in his "History of the 
Campaigns," published in 1787. He admits his loss to have been 
three hundred killed and wounded and near four hundred prison- 

After the battle of the Cowpens lord Cornwallis with in- 
creased exertions followed the main body of the Americans under 
General Greene, who retreated northward. The army was strip- 
ped of all superfluous baggage. The two battalions of the 71st 
now greatly reduced, were consolidated into one, and formed in a 
brigade with the 33d and Welsh Fusileers, Much skirmishing 
took place on the march, when, on March 16th, General Greene 
believing his army sufficiently strong to withstand the shock of 
battle drew up his force at Guilford Court House, in three lines. 

The British line was formed of the German regiment of De 
Bos, the Highlanders, and guards, under General Leslie, on the 
right; and the Welsh Fusileers, 33d regiment, and second battal- 
ion of guards, under General Charles O'Hara, on the left; the 

*History of Campaigns, p. 218. 


cavalry was in the rear supported by the light infantry of the 
guards and the German Yagers. At one o'clock the battle 
opened. The Americans, covered by a fence in their front, main- 
tained their position with confidence, and withheld their fire till 
the British line was within forty paces, when a destructive fire was 
poured into Colonel Webster's brigade, killing and wounding 
nearly one-third. The brigade returned the fire, and rushed for- 
ward, when the Americans retreated on the second line. The reg- 
iment of De Bos and the 33d met with a more determined resis- 
tance, having retreated and advanced repeatedly before they suc- 
ceeded in driving the Americans from the field. In the meantime, 
a party of the guards pressed on with eagerness, but were charged 
on their right flank by a body of cavalry which broke their line. 
The retreating Americans seeing the effect of this charge, turned 
and recommenced firing. The Highlanders, who had now pushed 
round the flank, appeared on a rising ground in rear of the left of 
the enemy, and, rushing forward with shouts, made such an im- 
pression on the Americans, that they immediately fled, abandon- 
ing their guns and ammunition. 

This battle, although nominally a victory for the British com- 
mander, was highly beneficial to the patriots. Both armies dis- 
played consummate skill. Lord Cornwallis on the 19th de- 
camped, leaving behind him between seventy and eighty of his 
wounded soldiers, and all the American prisoners who were 
wounded, and left the country to the mercy of his enemy. The 
total loss of the British was ninety-three killed, and four hundred 
and eleven wounded. The Highlanders lost Ensign Grant, and 
eleven soldiers killed, and four sergeants and forty-six soldiers 
wounded. It was long a tradition, in the neighborhood, that many 
of the Highlanders, who were in the van, fell near the fence, 
from behind which the North Carolinians rose and fired. 

The British army retreated in the direction of Cross Creek, 
the Americans following closely in the rear. At Cross Creek, the 
heart of the Highland settlement in North Carolina, lord Corn- 
wallis had hoped to rest his wearied army, a third of whom was 
sick and wounded and was obliged to carry them in wagons, or 
on horseback. The remainder were without shoes and worn down 


with fatigue. Owing to the surrounding conditions, the army 
took up its weary march to Wilmington, where it was expected 
there would be supples, of which they were in great need. Here 
the army halted from April 17th to the 26th, when it proceeded on 
the route to Petersburg, in Virginia, and to form a junction with 
General Phillips, who had recently arrived there with three thous- 
and men. The march was a difficult one. Before them was sev- 
eral hundred miles of country, which did not afford an active 
friend. No intelligence could be obtained, and no communication 
could be established. On May 25th the army reached Petersburg, 
where the united force amounted to six thousand men. The army 
then proceeded to Portsmouth, and when preparing to cross the 
river at St. James' Island, the Marquis de Lafayette, ignorant of 
their number, with two thousand men, made a gallant attack. 
After a sharp resistance he was repulsed, and the night approach- 
ing favored his retreat. After this skirmish the British army 
marched to Portsmouth, and thence to Yorktown, where a posi- 
tion was taken on the York river on August 22nd. 

From the tables given by lord Cornwallis, in his "Answer to 
the Narrative of Sir Henry Clinton"* the following condition of 
the 71st at different periods on the northward march, is extracted: 

January 15, 1781, 1st Battalion 249 2nd Battalion 237 Light Company 69 

February 1, 1781, " " 234 

March 1, 1781, " " 212 

April 1, 1781, " " 161 

May 1, 1781, Two Battalions 175 

June 1, 1781, Second Battalion 164 

July 1, 1781, " " 161 

August 1, 1781, " " 167 

Sept. 1, 1781, " " 162 

Oct. 1, 1781, " " 160 

The encampment at Yorktown was formed on an elevated 
platform, nearly level, on the bank of the river, and of a sandy 
soil. On the right of the position, extended from the river, a ra- 
vine of about forty feet in depth, and more than one hundred 
yards in breadth; the center was formed by a horn-work of en- 
trenchments; and an extensive redoubt beyond the ravine on the 
right, and two smaller redoubts on the left, also advanced be- 

*Pages 53, 77, 137. 


vond the entrenchments, constituted the principal defences of the 

On the morning of September 28, 1781, the combined French 
and American armies, twelve thousand strong, left Williamsburg 
by different roads, and marched towards Yorktown, and on the 
30th the allied armies had completely invested the British works. 
Batteries were erected, and approaches made in the usual manner. 
During the first four days the fire was directed against the re- 
doubt on the right, which was reduced to a heap of sand. On the 
left the redoubts were taken by storm and the guns turned on the 
other parts of the entrenchments. One of these redoubts had been 
manned by some soldiers of the 71st. Although the defence of 
this redoubt was as good and well contested as that of the others, 
the regiment thought its honor so much implicated, that a peti- 
tion was drawn up by the men, and carried by the commanding 
officer to lord Cornwallis, to be permitted to retake it. The prop- 
osition was not acceded to, for the siege had reached such a stage 
that it was not deemed necessary. 

Among the incidents related of the Highlanders during the 
siege, is that of a soliloquy, overheard by two captains, of an old 
Highland gentleman, a lieutenant, who, drawing his sword, said 
to himself, "Come, on, Maister Washington, I'm unco glad to see 
you; I've been offered money for my commission, but I could na 
think of gangin' hame without a sight of you. Come on."* 

The situation of the besieged daily grew more critical, the 
whole encampment was open to assault, and exposed to a con- 
stant and enfilading fire. In this dilemma lord Cornwallis re- 
solved to decamp with the elite of his army, by crossing the river 
and leaving a small force to capitulate. The first division em- 
barked and some had reached the opposite shore at Gloucester 
Point, when a violent storm of wind rendered the passage danger- 
ous, and the attempt was consequently abandoned. The British 
army then surrendered to Washington, and the troops marched 
out of their works on October 20th. 

The loss of the garrison was six officers, thirteen sergeants, 

*Memoir of General Graham, p. 59. 


four drummers and one hundred and thirty-three rank and file 
killed ; six officers, twenty-four sergeants, eleven drummers, and 
two hundred and eighty-four wounded. Of these the 71st lost 
Lieutenant Thomas Fraser and nine soldiers killed; three drum- 
mers and nineteen soldiers wounded. The whole number sur- 
rendered by capitulation was a little more than seven thousand 
making a total loss of about seven thousand eight hundred. Of 
the arms and stores there were seventy-five brass, and one hun- 
dred and sixty iron cannon; seven thousand seven hundred and 
ninety-four muskets; twenty-eight regimental standards; a large 
quantity of cannon and musket-balls, bombs, carriages, &c, &c. 
The military chest contained nearly eleven thousand dollars in 

Thus ended the military service of an army, proud and 
haughty, that had, within a year marched and counter-marched 
nearly two thousand miles, had forded streams, some of them in 
the face of an enemy, had fought two pitched battles and engaged 
in numerous skirmishes. With all their labors and achievements, 
they accomplished nothing of real value to the cause they repre- 

Fraser's Highlanders remained prisoners until the conclusion 
of hostilities. During their service their character was equal to 
their courage. Among them disgraceful punishments were un- 
known. When prisoners and solicited by the Americans to join 
their standard and settle among them, not one of them broke the 
oath he had taken, a virtue not generally observed on that occa- 
sion, for many soldiers joined the Americans. On the conclusion 
of hostilities the 71st was released, ordered to Scotland, and dis- 
charged at Perth in 1783. 


The particulars of the 74th or Argyle Highlanders, and the 
76th, or Macdonald's Highlanders, are but slightly touched upon 
by Colonel David Stewart of Garth, in his "Sketches of the High- 
landers," by Dr. James Browne, in his "History of the High- 
lands," and by John S. Keltie, in his "History of the Scottish 


Highlands." Even Lieutenant-General Samuel Graham, who was 
a captain in the 76th, in his "Memoirs," gives but a slight account 
of his regiment. So a very imperfect view can only be expected 
in this narration. 

The 74th or Argyle Highlanders was raised by Colonel John 
Campbell of Barbreck, who had served as captain and major of 
Fraser's Highlanders in the Seven Years' War. In the month of 
December 1777 letters of service were granted to him, and the 
regiment was completed in May 1778. In this regiment were 
more Lowlanders, than in any other of the same description 
raised during that period. All the officers, except four, were 
Highlanders, while of the soldiers only five hundred and ninety 
were of the same country, the others being from Glasgow, and the 
western districts of Scotland. The name of Campbell mustered 
strong; the three field-officers, six captains, and fourteen subal- 
terns, being of that name. Among the officers was the chief of 
the Macquarries, being sixty-two years of age when he entered 
the army in 1778. 

The regiment mustering nine hundred and sixty, rank and 
file, embarked at Greenock in August, and landed at Halifax in 
Nova Scotia, where it remained garrisoned with the 80th and the 
82d regiments ; the whole being under the command of Brigadier- 
General Francis Maclean. In the spring of 1779, the grenadier 
company, commanded by Captain Ludovick Colquhoun of Luss, 
and the light compnay by Captain Campbell of Bulnabie, were 
sent to New York, and joined the army immediately before the 
siege of Charleston. 

In June of the same year, the battalion companies, with a de- 
tachment of the 82d regiment, under the command of Brigadier- 
General Maclean, embarked from Halifax, and took possession of 
Penobscot, with the intention of establishing a post there. Be- 
fore the defences were completed, a hostile fleet from Boston, 
with two thousand troops on board, under Brigadier-General 
Solomon Lovell, appeared in the bay, and on July 28th effected a 
landing on a peninsula, where the British were erecting a fort, 
and immediately began to construct batteries for a regular siege. 
These operations were frequently interrupted by sallies of parties 


from the fort. General Maclean exerted himself to the utmost to 
strengthen his position, and not only kept the Americans in check, 
hut preserved communication with the shipping, which they en- 
deavored to cut off. Both parties kept skirmishing till August 
13th, when Sir George Collier appeared in the bay, with a fleet in- 
tended for relief of the post. This accession of strength discon- 
certed the Americans, and completely destroyed their hopes, so 
that they quickly decamped and retired to their boats. Being 
unable to re-embark all the troops, those who remained, along 
with the sailors of several vessels which had run aground in the 
hurry of escaping, formed themselves into a body, and endeav- 
ored to penetrate through the woods. In the course of this at- 
tempt they ran short of provisions, quarrelled among themselves, 
and, coming to blows, fired on each other till their ammunition 
was expended. Upwards of sixty men were killed and wounded ; 
the rest dispersed through the woods, numbers perishing before 
they could reach an inhabited country. 

The conduct of General Maclean and his troops met with ap- 
probation. In his dispatch, giving an account of the attack and 
defeat of his foes, he particularly noticed the exertions and zeal of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Campbell of the 74th. The loss of 
this regiment was two sergeants, and fourteen privates killed, and 
seventeen rank and file wounded. 

General Maclean returned to Halifax with the detachment of 
the 82d, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Campbell of Mon- 
zie with the 74th at Penobscot, where they remained till the term- 
ination of hostilities, when they embarked for England. They 
landed at Portsmouth whence thev marched for Stirling, and, 
after being joined by the flank companies, were reduced in the 
autumn of 1783. 


In the month of December 1777, letters of service were 
granted to lord Macdonald to raise a regiment in the Highlands 
and Isles. On his recommendation Major John Macdonell of 
Lochgarry was appointed lieutenant-colonel commandant of the 


regiment. The regiment was numbered the 76th, but called Mac- 
donald's Highlanders. Lord Macdonald exerted himself in the 
formation of the regiment, and selected the officers from the fam- 
ilies of the Macdonalds of Glencoe, Morar, Boisdale, and others 
of his own clan, and likewise from those of others, as Mackinnon, 
Fraser of Culduthel, Cameron of Callart, &c. A body of seven 
hundred and fifty Highlanders was raised. The company of Cap- 
tain Bruce was principally raised in Ireland; and Captains Cun- 
ningham of Craigend, and Montgomery Cunnngham, as well as 
Lieutenant Samuel Graham, raised their men in the low country. 
These amounted to nearly two hundred men, and were kept to- 
gether in two companies ; while Bruce's company formed a third. 
In this manner each race was kept distinct. The whole number, 
including non-commissioned officers and men, amounted to one 
thousand and eighty-six. The recruits assembled at Inverness, 
and in March 1778 the regiment was reported complete. The men 
on their arrival were attested by a justice of the peace, and re- 
ceived the king's bounty of five guineas. As Major John Mac- 
donell, who had been serving in America in the 71st or Fraser's 
Highlanders, was taken prisoner, on his passage home from that 
country, the command devolved on Captain Donaldson, of the 
42d or Royal Highland Regiment. Under this officer the regi- 
ment was formed, and a code of regulations established for the 
conduct of both officers and men. 

Soon after its formation the 76th was sent to Fort George 
where it remained a year. It so happened that few of the non- 
commissioned officers who understood the drill were acquainted 
with the Gaelic language, and as all words of command were 
given in English, the commander directed that neither officers nor 
non-commissioned officers ignorant of the former language should 
endeavor to learn it. The consequence was that the Highlanders 
were behind-hand in being drilled, as they had, besides other 
duties, to acquire a new language. But the Highlanders took un- 
common pains to learn their duties, and so exact were they in the 
discharge of them that upon one occasion. Colonel Campbell, the 
lieutenant-governor, was seized and made prisoner by the sentry 
posted at his own door, because the man conceived a trespass had 


been committed on his post, nor would the sentinel release the 
colonel until the arrival of the corporal of the guard. 

In March 1779 the regiment was removed to Perth, and from 
there marched to Burnt Island, where they embarked on the 17th. 
Major Donaldson's health not permitting him to go abroad, the 
command devolved on lord Berridale, second major, who accom- 
panied them to New York, where they landed in August. The 
fleet sailed from the Firth of Forth for Portsmouth, and in a 
short time anchored at Spithead. While waiting there for the as- 
sembling of a fleet with reinforcements of men and stores for the 
army in America, an order was received to set sail for the island 
of Jersey, as the French had made an attempt there. But the 
French having been repulsed before the 76th reached Jersey, the 
regiment returned to Portsmouth, and proceeded on the voyage to 
America, and arrived in New York on August 27th. 

On the arrival of the regiment in New York the flank com- 
panies were attached to the battalion of that description. The bat- 
talion companies remained between New York and Staten Island 
till February 1781, when they embarked with a detachment of the 
army, commanded by General Phillips, for Virginia. The light 
company, being in the 2d battalion of light infantry, also formed 
a part of the expedition. The grenadiers remained at New York. 
This year, lord Berridale, on the death of his father, became 
earl of Caithness, and being severely wounded at the siege of 
Charleston, soon after returned to Scotland. The command of 
the 76th regiment devolved on Major Needham, who had pur- 
chased Major Donaldson's commission. 

General Phillips landed at Portsmouth, in Virginia, in 
March. A number of boats had been constructed under the 
superintendence of General Benedict Arnold, for the navigation 
of the rivers, most of them calculated to hold one hundred men. 
Each boat was manned by a few sailors, and was fitted with a sail 
as well as oars. Some of them carried a piece of ordnance in their 
bows. In these boats the light infantry, and detachments of the 
76th and 80th regiments, with the Queen's Rangers, embarked, 
leaving the remainder of the 76th, with other troops, to garrison 
Portsmouth. The detachment of the 76th which embarked con- 


sisted of one major, three captains, twelve subalterns, and three 
hundred men, under Major Needham. The troops proceeded up 
the James river destroying warlike stores, shipping, barracks, 
foundaries and private property. After making many excursions 
the troops marched to Bermuda Hundreds, opposite City Point, 
where they embarked, on May 2d; but receiving orders from lord 
Cornwallis, returned and entered Petersburg on May ioth. 

When the 76th regiment found themselves with an army 
which had been engaged in the most incessant and fatiguing 
marches through difficult and hostile countries, they considered 
themselves as inferiors and as having done nothing which could 
enable them to return to their own country. They were often 
heard murmuring among themselves, lamenting their lot, and ex- 
pressing the strongest desire to signalize themselves. This was 
greatly heightened when visited by men of Fraser's Highlanders. 
The opportunity presented itself, and their behavior proved they 
were good soldiers. On the evening of July 6th, the Marquis de 
Lafayette pushed forward a strong corps, forced the pickets, and 
drew up in front of the British lines. The pickets in front of the 
army that morning consisted of twenty men of the 76th and ten of 
the 80th. When the attack on the pickets commenced, they were 
reinforced by fifteen Highlanders. The pickets defended the post 
till every man was either killed or wounded. 

A severe engagement took place between the contending 
armies, the weight of which was sustained on the part of the Brit- 
ish by the left of Colonel Dundas's brigade, consisting of the 76th 
and 80th, and it so happened that while the right of the line was 
covered with woods they were drawn up in an open field, and ex- 
posed to the attack of the Americans with a chosen body of troops. 
The 76th being on the left, and lord Cornwallis, coming up in rear 
of the regiment, gave the word to charge, which was immediately 
repeated by the Highlanders, who rushed forward with impetu- 
osity, and instantly decided the contest. The Americans retired, 
leaving their cannon and three hundred men killed and wounded 
behind them. 

Soon after this affair lord Cornwallis ordered a detachment 
of four hundred chosen men of the 76th to be mounted on such 


horses as could be procured and act with the cavalry. Although 
four-fifths of the men had never before been on horseback, they 
were mounted and marched with Tarleton's Legion. After sev- 
eral forced marches, far more fatiguing to the men than they had 
ever performed on foot, they returned heartily tired of their new 
mode of travelling. No other service was performed by the 76th 
until the siege and surrender of Yorktown. During the siege, 
while the officers of this regiment were sitting at dinner, the Amer- 
icans opened a new battery, the first shot from which entered the 
mess-room, killed Lieutenant Robertson on the spot, and wounded 
Lieutenant Shaw and Quartermaster Barclay. It also struck As- 
sistant Commissary General Perkins, who happened to dine there 
that day. 

The day following the surrender of lord Cornwallis, at York- 
town (October 20th), the British prisoners moved out in two di- 
visions, escorted by regiments of militia; one to the direction of 
Maryland, the other, to which the 76th belonged, moved to the 
westward in Virginia for Winchester. On arriving at their can- 
tonment, the officers were lodged in the town on parole, and the 
soldiers were marched several miles off to a cleared spot in the 
woods, on which stood a few log huts, some of them occupied by 
prisoners taken at the Cowpens. From Winchester the regiment 
was removed to Lancaster in Pennsylvania. After peace was de- 
clared they embarked for New York, sailed thence for Scotland, 
and were disbanded in March 1784 at Stirling Castle. 

This regiment maintained a very high standard for their be- 
havior. Thefts and other crimes, implying moral turpitude, were 
totally unknown. There were only four instances of corporal 
punishment inflicted on the Highlanders of the regiment, and 
these were for military offences. Moral suasion and such coer- 
cion as a father might use towards his children were deemed suf- 
ficient to keep them in discipline or self-restraint. 

In the year 1775, George III. resolved to humble the thirteen 
colonies. In the effort put forth he created a debt of £121,267,993, 
with an annual charge of £5,088,336, besides sacrificing thousands 
of human lives, and causing untold misery ; and, at last, weary of 
the war. on July 25, 1782, he issued a warrant to Richard Oswald, 


commissioning him to negotiate a peace. The definite articles of 
peace were signed at Paris, September 3, 1783. Then the United 
States of America took her position among the nations of the 
earth. George III. and his ministers had exerted themselves to 
the utmost to subjugate America. Besides the troops raised in the 
British Isles there were of the German mercenaries twenty-nine 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven. The mercenaries and 
British troops were well armed, clothed and fed. But the task un- 
dertaken was a gigantic one. It would have required a greater 
force than that sent to America to hold and garrison the cities 
alone. The fault was not with the army, the navy, or the com- 
manding officers. The" impartial student of that war will admit 
that the army fought well, likewise the navy, and the generals and 
admirals were skilled and able in the art of war. The British for- 
eign office was weak. Nor was this all. The Americans had 
counted the cost. They were singularly fortunate in their leader. 
Thirty-nine years after his death, lord Brougham wrote of Wash- 
ington that he was "the greatest man of our own or of any age. 
* * * This eminent person is presented to our observation 
clothed in attributes as modest, as unpretending, as little calcu- 
lated to strike or to astonish, as if he had passed unknown through 
some secluded region of private life. But he had a judgment sure 
and sound; a steadiness of mind which never suffered any pas- 
sion or even any feeling to ruffle its calm ; a strength of under- 
standing which worked rather than forced its way through all 
obstacles, — removing or avoiding rather than over-leaping them. 
His courage, whether in battle or in council, was as perfect as 
might be expected from this pure and steady temper of soul. A 
perfectly just man, with a thoroughly firm resolution never to be 
misled by others any more than by others overawed; never to be 
seduced or betrayed, or hurried away by his own weaknesses or 
self-delusions, and more than by other men's arts, nor ever to be 
disheartened by the most complicated difficulties any more than to 
be spoilt on the giddy heights of fortune — such was this great 
man, — whether we regard him sustaining alone the whole weight 
of campaigns, all but desperate, or gloriously terminating a just 
warfare by his resources and his courage."* 

The British generals proved themselves unable to cope with 

*Edinburg Review, October, 1838; Collected Contributions, Vol. I, p. 344. 


this great and good man. More than six thousand five hundred 
Highlanders left their homes amidst the beautiful scenery of their 
native land, crossed a barrier of water three thousand miles in 
width, that they might fight against such a man and the cause he 
represented. Their toils, sacrifices and sufferings were in vain. 
Towards them Washington bore good will. Forgetting the 
wrongs they had done, he could write of them : 

"Your idea of bringing over Highlanders appears to be a good 
one. They are a hardy, industrious people, well calculated to 
form new'settlements, and will, in time, become valuable citi- 
zens. * 

War is necessarily cruel and barbarous; and yet there were 
innumerable instances of wanton cruelty during the American 
Revolution. No instances of this kind have been recorded against 
the soldiers belonging to the Highland regiments. There were 
cruelties perpetrated by those born in the Highlands of Scotland, 
but they were among those settled by Sir William Johnson on the 
Mohawk and afterwards joined either Butler's Rangers or else 
Sir John Johnson's regiment. Even this class was few in num- 

♦Letter to Robert Sinclair, May 6, 1792. Spark's Writings of Washington, 
Vol. XII, p. 304. 


Distinguished Highlanders Who Served in America in the 
Interests of Great Britain. 

If the list of distinguished Highlanders who served in Amer- 
ica in the interests of Great Britain was confined to those who rose 
to eminence while engaged in said service, it certainly would be a 
short one. If amplified to those who performed feats of valor or 
rendered valuable service, then the list would be long. The meas- 
ure of distinction is too largely given to those who have held 
prominent positions, or else advanced in military rank. In all 
probability the names of some have been overlooked, although 
care has been taken in finding out even those who became dis- 
tinguished after the American Revolution. The following bio- 
graphical sketches are limited to those who were born in the 
Highlands of Scotland : 


Sir Alan Cameron of the Camerons of Fassifern, known in 
the Highlands as Ailean an Earrachd, almost a veritable giant, 
was born in Glen Loy, Lochaber, about the year 1745. In early 
manhood, having fought a duel with a fellow clansman, he fled to 
the residence of his mother's brother, Maclean of Drimnim, who, 
in order to elude his pursuers, turned him over to Maclean of 
Pennycross. Having oscillated between Morvern and Mull for a 
period of two years, he learned that another relative of his 
mother's, Colonel Allan Maclean of Torloisk, was about to raise a 
regiment for the American war. He embarked for America, and 
was kindly received by his relative who made him an officer in the 
84th or Highland Emigrant regiment. During the siege of Que- 
bec, he was taken prisoner and sent to Philadelphia, where he wa§ 


kept for two years, but finally effected his escape, and returned to 
his regiment. Being unfit for service, in 1780, he returned to 
England on sick leave. In London he courted the only heir of 
Nathaniel Philips, and eloping with her they were married at 
Gretna Green. Soon after he received an appointment on the 
militia staff of one of the English counties. In 1782 he was 
elected a member of the Highland Society of London. In August 
1793 Alan was appointed major-commandant, and proceded to 
Lochaber to raise a regiment, which afterwards was embodied as 
the 79th, or Cameron Highlanders. Not unmindful of his 
brother-officers of the Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment, he 
named two of his own, and five officers of the Clan Maclean. The 
regiment in January 1794 numbered one thousand, which ad- 
vanced Alan to the lieutenant-colonelcy. The regiment was then 
embarked for Flanders to reinforce the British and Austrians 
against the French. It was in the disastrous retreat to West- 
phalia, and lost two hundred men. From thence it was sent to the 
Isle of Wight, and Colonel Cameron was ordered to recruit his 
regiment to the extent of its losses in Flanders. The regiment was 
sent to the island of Martinique, and in less than two years, from 
the unhealthy location, it was reduced to less than three hundred 
men. But few of the men ever returned to Scotland. Colonel 
Cameron having been ordered to recruit for eight hundred men, 
fixed his headquarters at Inverness. Within less than nine months 
after his return from Martinique he produced a fresh body of 
seven hundred and eighty men. In 1798 he was ordered with his 
regiment to occupy the Channel Islands. He was severely 
wounded at Alkmaar. Colonel Cameron was sent to help drive 
the French out of Egypt. From Egypt he was transferred to 
Minorca and from there to England. He took part in the capture 
of the Danish fleet — a neutral power — and entered Copenhagen. 
Soon after the battle of Vimiera, Alan was made a brigadier and 
commandant of Lisbon. He was in command of a brigade at 
Oporto when that city was besieged. He was twice wounded at 
the battle of Talavera. After a military career covering a period 
of thirty-six years, on account of ill-health, he resigned his posi- 


tion in the army, and for several years was not able to meet his 
friends. He died at Fulham, April 9, 1828. 


Sir Archibald Campbell second son of James Campbell of In- 
verneil was born at Inverneil on August 21, 1739. By special rec- 

General Sir Archibald Campbell. 

ommendation of Mr. Pitt he received, in 1757, a captain's commis- 
sion in Fraser's Highlanders, and served throughout the cam- 
paign in North America, and was wounded at the taking of Que- 
bec in 1758. On the conclusion of the war he was transferred to 
the 29th regiment, and afterwards major and lieutenant-colonel in 


the 42nd or Royal Highlanders, with which he served in India 
until 1773, when he returned to Scotland, and was elected to Par- 
liament for the Stirling burgs in 1774. In 1775 he was selected as 
lieutenant-colonel of the 2nd battalion of Fraser's Highlanders. 
He was captured on board the George transport, in Boston Har- 
bor June 17, 1776, and remained a prisoner until May 5, 1778, 
when he was exchanged for Colonel Ethan Allen. He was then 
placed in command of an expedition against the State of Georgia, 
which was successful. He was superseded the following year by 
General Augustine Prevost. Disagreeing with the policy adopted 
by that officer in regard to the royalist militia, Colonel Campbell 
returned to England, on leave. In 1779 he married Amelia, 
daughter of Allan Ramsay, the artist. November 20, 1782, he 
was promoted major-general, and the following month commis- 
sioned governor of Jamaica. His vigilance warded off attacks 
from the French, besides doing all in his power in sending infor- 
mation, supplies and reinforcements to the British forces in 
America. For his services, on his return to England, he was in- 
vested a knight of the Bath, on September 30, 1785. The same 
year he was appointed governor and commander-in-chief at 
Madras. On October 12, 1787, he was appointed colonel of the 
74th Highlanders, which had been raised especially for service m 
India. In 1789 General Campbell returned to England, and at 
once was re-elected to Parliament for the Stirling burghs. He 
died March 31, 1791, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. 


John Campbell was appointed lieutenant in Loudon's High- 
landers in June 1745; served throughout the Rising of 1745-6; 
made the campaign in Flanders in 1747, in which year he became a 
captain ;and at the peace of 1748 went on half pay. In 1756 he 
was called into active service and joined the 42nd. He was 
wounded at Ticonderoga, and on his recovery was appointed 
major of the 17th foot. February 1762, he became a lieutenant- 
colonel in the army, and commanded his regiment in the expedi- 
tion against Martinico and Havanna. He became lieutenant-col- 



onel of the 57th foot, May 1, 1773, and returned to America on the 
breaking out of the Revolution. On February 19, 1779 ne was 
appointed major-general; colonel of his regiment November 2, 
1780, and commanded the British forces in West Florida, where 
he surrendered Pensacola to the Spaniards, May 10, 1781 ; became 
lieutenant-general in 1787, and general January 26, 1797. Gen- 
eral Campbell died August 28, 1806. 


Lord William Campbell was the youngest son of the 4th duke 
of Argyle. He entered the navy, and became a captain August 
20, 1762, when he was put in command of the Nightingale, of 
twenty guns. In May 1763, he married Sarah, daughter of Ralph 
Izard, of Charleston, South Carolina, and in 1764, was elected to 
represent Argyleshire in parliament. On November 27, 1766 he 
became governor of Nova Scotia, whose affairs he administered 
until 1773, when he was transferred to the government of South 
Carolina, in which province he arrived in June 1775, during the 
sitting of the first Provincial Congress, which presented him a 
congratulatory address, but he refused to acknowledge that body. 
For three months after his arrival he was undisturbed, though in- 
defatigable in fomenting opposition to the popular measures ; but 
in September, distrustful of his personal safety, and leaving his 
family behind, he retired on board the Tamar sloop-of-war, where 
he remained, although invited to return to Charleston. Lady 
Campbell was treated with great respect, but finally went on board 
the vessel, and was landed at Jamaica. In the attack on the city 
of Charleston, in June 1776, under Sir Henry Clinton, lord Camp- 
bell served as a volunteer on board the Bristol, on which occasion 
he received a wound that ultimately proved mortal. Presumably 
he returned with the fleet and died September 5, 1778. 


Brigadier Simon Fraser was the tenth son of Alexander Fra- 
ser, second of Balnain. The lands of Balnain had been acquired 
from Hugh, tenth lord of Lovat, by Big Hugh, grandfather of 



Simon. Alexander was in possession of the lands as early as 
1730, and for his first wife had Jane, daughter of William Fraser, 
eighth of Foyers, by whom he had issue six sons and one daugh- 
ter. In 1 71 6 he married Jean, daughter of Angus, tenth Mackin- 
tosh of Kyllachy, by whom he had issue five sons and three daugh- 
ters, Simon being the fourth son, and born May 26th, 1729. 

In all probability it would be a difficult task to determine the 


8s „^,L jL, 

Vff V^jb i CEN-r-FRASER. ljP§C> 

date of General Fraser's first commission in the British army 
owing to the fact that no less than eight Simon Frasers appear in 
the Army List of 1757, six of whom belonged to Fraser's High- 
landers. The subsequent commissions may positively be traced as 
follows: In the 78th Foot, lieutenant January 5, 1757, captain- 
lieutenant September 27, 1758, captain April 22, 1759; major in 
the army March 15, 176 1 ; in the 24th Foot, major February 8, 
1762, and lieutenant-colonel July 14, 1768. January 10, 1776, 


General Carleton appointed him to act as a brigadier till the king's 
pleasure could be known, which in due time was confirmed. His 
last commission was that of colonel in the army, being gazetted 
July 22, 1777. He served in the Scots Regiment in the Dutch ser- 
vice and was wounded at Bergen ap-Zoon in 1747. He was with 
his regiment in the expedition against Louisburg in 1758 and ac- 
companied General Wolfe to Quebec in 1759, and was the officer 
who answered the hail of the enemy's sentry in French and made 
him believe that the troops who surprised the Heights of Abraham 
were the Regiment de la Rhine. 

After the fall of Quebec, for a few years he did garrison 
duty at Gibraltar. Through the interest of the marquis of Towns- 
hend, who appointed him his aid-de-camp in Ireland, he was se- 
lected as quartermaster-general to the troops then stationed in 
that country. While in Ireland he was selected by General Bur- 
goyne as one of his commanders for his expediction against the 
Americans. On April 5, 1776, he "embarked with the 24th Foot, 
and arrived in Quebec on the 28th of the following May. He 
commanded the light brigade on General Burgoyne's campaign, 
and was thus ever in advance, rendering throughout the most ef- 
ficient services, and had the singular good fortune to increase his 
reputation. He assisted in driving the Americans out of Canada, 
and defeated them in the battle of Three Rivers, followed by that 
of Hubbardton, July 7, 1777. Had his views prevailed, the blun- 
der of sending heavy German dismounted dragoons to Benning- 
ton, and the consequent disaster would never have been commit- 

The career of this dauntless hero now rapidly drew near to 
its close. Up to the battle of Bennington almost unexampled suc- 
cess had attended the expedition of Burgoyne. The turning point 
had come. The battle of Bennington infused the Americans with 
a new and indomitable spirit ; the murder, by savages, of the beau- 
tiful Miss Jane MacRae aroused the passions of war; the failure 
of Sir Henry Clinton to co-operate with General Burgoyne; the 
rush of the militia to the aid of General Gates, and the detachment 
of Colonel Morgan's riflemen by Washington from his own army 
to the assistance of the imperiled north, all conspired to turn the 


tide of success, and invite the victorious army to a disaster, ren- 
dered famous in the annals of history. 

On September 13, the British army crossed the Hudson, by 
a bridge of rafts with the design of forming a junction with Sir 
Henry Clinton at Albany. The army was in excellent order and 
in the highest spirits, and the perils of the expedition seemed 
practically over. The army marched a short distance along the 
western bank of the Hudson, and on the 14th encamped on the 
heights of Saratoga, distant about sixteen miles from Albany. 
On the 19th a battle was fought between the British right wing 
and a strong body of Americans. In this action the right column 
was led by General Fraser, who, on the first onset, wheeled his 
troops and forced Colonel Morgan to give way. Colonel Morgan 
was speedily re-enforced, when the action became general. When 
the battle appeared to be in the grasp of the British, and just as 
General Fraser and Colonel Breymann were preparing to follow 
up the advantage, they were recalled by General Burgoyne and 
reluctantly forced to retreat. Both Generals Fraser and Riedesel 
(commander of the Brunswick contingent) bitterly criticised the 
order, and in plain terms informed General Burgoyne that he did 
not know how to avail himself of his advantage. The next day 
General Burgoyne devoted himself to the laying out of a fortified 
camp. The right wing was placed under the command of Gen- 
eral Fraser. The situation now began to grow critical. Pro- 
visions became scarce. October 5th a council of war was held, 
and the advice of both Generals Fraser and Riedesel was to fall 
back immediately to their old position beyond the Batten Kil. 
General Burgoyne finally determined on a reconnaissance in force. 
So, on the morning of October 7th, with fifteen hundred men, ac- 
companied by Generals Fraser, Riedesel and Phillips, the division 
advanced in three columns towards the left wing of the American 
position. In advance of the right wing, General Fraser had com- 
mand of five hundred picked men. The Americans fell upon the 
British advance with fury, and soon a general battle was engaged 
in. Colonel Morgan poured down like a torrent from the ridge 
that skirted the flanking party of General Fraser, and forced the 


latter back ; and then by a rapid movement to the left fell upon 
the flank of the British right with such impetuosity that it wa- 
vered. General Fraser noticing the critical situation of the center 
hurried to its succor the 24th Regiment. Dressed in full uniform, 
General Fraser was conspicuously mounted on an iron grey 
horse. He was all activity and vigilance, riding from one part 
of the division to another, and animated the troops by his example. 
At a critical point, Colonel Morgan, who, with his riflemen was 
immediately opposite to General Fraser's corps, perceiving that 
the fate of the day rested upon that officer, called a few of his 
sharpshooters aside, among whom was the famous marksman, 
Timothy Murphy, men on whose precision of aim he could rely, 
and said to them, "That gallant officer yonder is General Fraser; 
I admire and respect him, but it is necessary for our good that 
he should die. Take you station in that cluster of bushes and do 
your duty." A few moments later, a rifle ball cut the crouper of 
General Fraser's horse, and another passed through the horse's 
mane. General Fraser's aid, calling attention to this, said : "It is 
evident that you are marked out for particular aim ; would it not 
be prudent for you to retire from this place?" General Fraser 
replied, "My duty forbids me to fly from danger." The next 
moment he fell wounded by a ball from the rifle of Timothy Mur- 
phy, and was carried off the field by two grenadiers. After he 
was wounded General Fraser told his friends "that he saw the 
man who shot him, and that he was a rifleman posted in a tree." 
From this it would appear that after Colonel Morgan had given 
his orders Timothy Murphy climbed into the forks of a neighbor- 
ing tree. 

General Burgoyne's surgeons were reported to have said had 
not General Fraser's stomach been distended by a hearty break- 
fast he had eaten just before going into action he would doubtless 
have recovered from his wound. 

Upon the fall of General Fraser, dismay seized the British. 
A retreat took place exactly fifty-two minutes after the first shot 
was fired. General Burgoyne left the cannon on the field, except 
two howitzers, besides sustaining a loss of more than four hun- 


dred men, and among them the flower of his officers. Contem- 
porary military writers affirmed that had General Fraser lived 
the British would have made good their retreat into Canada. It 
is claimed that he would have given such advice as would have 
caused General Burgoyne to have avoided the blunders which 
finally resulted in his surrender. 

The closing scene of General Fraser's life has been graphic- 
ally described by Madame Riedesel, wife of the German general. 
It has been oft quoted, and need not be here repeated. General 
Burgoyne has described the burial scene with his usual felicity of 
expression and eloquence. 

Burgoyne was not unmindful of the wounded general. He 
was directing the progress of the battle, and it was not until late 
in the evening that he came to visit the dying man. A tender 
scene took place between him and General Fraser. The latter 
was the idol of the army and upon him General Burgoyne placed 
most reliance. The spot where General Fraser lies buried is on 
an elevated piece of ground commanding an extensive view of the 
Hudson, and a great length of the interval on either side. The 
grave is marked by a tablet placed there by an American lady. 

The American reader has a very pleasant regard for the char- 
acter of General Fraser. His kindly disposition attracted men 
towards him. As an illustration of the humane disposition the 
following incident, taken from a rare work, may be cited : "Two 
American officers taken at Hubbardstown, relate the following 
anecdote of him. He saw that they were in distress, as their 
continental paper would not pass with the English; and offered 
to loan them as much as they wished for their present convenience. 
They took three guineas each. He remarked to them — 'Gentle- 
men take what you wish — give me your due bills and when we 
reach Albany, I trust to your honor to take them up ; for we shall 
doubtless over-run the country, and I shall, probably, have an op- 
portunity of seeing you again.' " As General Fraser fell in bat- 
tle, "the notes were consequently never paid; but the signers of 
them could not refrain from shedding tears at the fate of this gal- 
lant and generous enemy."* 

*Memoir General Stark, 1831, p. 252. 




General Simon Fraser, thirteenth of Lovat, born October 19, 
1726, was the son of the notorious Simon, twelfth lord Lovat, who 
was executed in 1747. With six hundred of his father's vassals 
he joined prince Charles before the battle of Falkirk, January 
17, 1746, and was one of the forty-three persons included in the 
act of attainder of June 4, 1746. Having surrendered to the gov- 
ernment he was confined in Edinburgh Castle from November, 

1746, to August 15, 1747, when he 
was allowed to reside in Glasgow 
during the king's pleasure. He re- 
ceived a full pardon in 1750, and 
two years later entered as an advo- 
cate. At the commencement of the 
seven years' war, by his influence 
with his clan, without the aid of 
land or money he raised eight hun- 
dren recruits in a few weeks, in 
which as many more were shortly 
added. His commission as colonel 
was dated January 5, 1757. Under 
his command Fraser's Highlanders 
went to America, where he was at 
the seige of Louisburg in 1758, and in the expedition under Gen- 
eral Wolfe against Quebec, where he was wounded at Mont- 
morenci. He was again wounded at Sillery, April 28, 1760. In 
1762 he was a brigadier-general in the British force sent to Por- 
tugal; in the Portuguese army he held the temporary rank of 
major-general, and in 1768 a lieutenant-general. In 1771 he was 
a major-general in the British army. By an act of parliament, 
on the payment of £20,983, all his forfeited lands, lordships, &c, 
were restored to him, on account of the military services he had 
rendered the country. On the outbreak of the American Revolu- 
tion General Fraser raised another regiment of two battalions, 
known as Fraser's Highlanders or 71st, but did not accompany 
the regiment. When, in Canada, in 1761, he was returned to par- 

General Simon Fraser of Lovat. 


liament, and thrice re-elected, representing the constituency of the 
county of Inverness until his death, which occurred in Downing 
Street, London, February 8, 1782. 


Lieutenant-General Simon Fraser, son of a tacksman, born 
in 1738, was senior of the Simon Frasers serving as subalterns in 
Fraser's Highlanders in the campaign in Canada in 1759-1761. 
He was wounded at the battle of Sillery, April 28, 1760, and three 
years later was placed on half-pay as a lieutenant. In 1775 ne 
raised a company for the 71st or Fraser's Highlanders; became 
senior captain and afterwards major of the regiment, with which 
he served in America in the campaigns of 1 778-1 781. In 1793 
he raised a Highland regiment which was numbered 133rd foot 
or Fraser's Highlanders, which after a brief existence, was broken 
up and drafted into other corps. He became a major-general in 
1795, commanded a British force in Portugal in 1797-1800. In 
1802 he became lieutenant-general, and for several years second 
in command in Scotland, in which country he died March 21, 


General James Grant was born in 1720, and after studying 
law obtained a commission in the army in 1741, and became cap- 
tain in the Royal Scots, October 24, 1744. General Grant served 
with his regiment in Flanders and in Ireland, and became major 
in Montgomery's Highlanders, with which he went to America in 
1757. In the following year he was surprised before Fort Du- 
quesne, and lost a third of his command in killed, wounded and 
missing, besides being captured himself with nineteen of his of- 
ficers. He became lieutenant-colonel of the 40th foot in 1760, and 
governor of East Florida. In May, 1761, he led an expedition 
against the Cherokee Indians, and defeated them in the battle of 
Etchoe. On the death of his nephew he succeeded to the family 
estate; became brevet-colonel in 1772; in 1773 was returned to 
parliament for Wick burghs, and the year after for Sutherland- 


shire; and in 1775 was appointed colonel of the 55th foot. As a 
brigadier, in 1776, he went to America with the reinforcement 
under Sir William Howe ; commanded two brigades at the battle 
of Long Island, Brandy wine and Germantown. In May, 1778, 
was unsuccessful in his attempt to cut off the marquis de La- 
fayette on the Schuylkill. In December, 1778, he captured St. 
Lucia, in the West Indies. In 1777, he became major-general, 
in 1782 lieutenant-general, and in 1796 general; and, in suc- 
cession, became governor of Dumbarton and Stirling Castles. In 
1787, 1790, 1796, and 1 80 1, he was again returned to parliament 
for Sutherlandshire. He was noted for his love of good living, 
and in his latter years was immensely corpulent. He died at Bal- 
lindalloch April 13, 1806. 


General Allan Maclean, son of Torloisk, Island of Mull, was 
born there in 1725, and began his military career in the service of 
Holland, in the Scots brigade. At the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom, 
in 1747, a portion of the brigade cut its way with great loss 
through the French. Lieutenants Allan and Francis Maclean, 
having been taken prisoners, were carried before General Lowen- 
dahl, who thus addressed them: "Gentlemen, consider yourselves 
on parole. If all had conducted themselves as your brave corps 
have done, I should not now be master of Bergen-op-Zoom." 
January 8, 1756, Allan became lieutenant in the 62nd regiment, 
and on July 8, 1758, was severely wounded at Ticonderoga. He 
became captain of an independent company, January 16, 1759, and 
was present at the surrender of Niagara, where he was again 
dangerously wounded. Returning to Great Britain, he raised the 
114th foot or Royal Highland Volunteers, of which he was ap- 
pointed major commandant October 18, 1761. The regiment 
being reduced in 1763, Major Maclean went on half-pay. He be- 
came lieutenant-colonel May 25, 1772, and early in 1775 devised 
a colonization scheme which brought him to America, landing in 
New York of that year. At the outbreak of the Revolution he 
identified himself with the British king; was arrested in New 


York; was released by denying he was taking a part in the dis- 
pute; thence went to the Mohawk, and on to Canada, where he 
began to set about organizing a corps, which became the nucleus 
of the Royal Highland Emigrants. Of this regiment Major 
Allan was appointed lieutenant-colonel of the first battalion which 
he had raised. On the evidence of American prisoners taken at 
Quebec, Colonel Maclean resorted to questionable means to re- 
cruit his regiment. All those of British birth who had been cap- 
tured were given permission to join the regiment or else be car- 
ried to England and tried for treason. But these enforced enlist- 
ments proved of no value. Quebec unquestionably would have 
fallen into the hands of General Arnold had not Colonel Maclean 
suddenly precipitated himself with a part of his corps into the 
beleaguered city. Had Quebec fallen, Canada would have be- 
come a part of the United States. To Colonel Allan Maclean 
Great Britain owes the possession of Canada. During the pro- 
longed seige Colonel Maclean suffered an injury to his leg, 
whereby he partially lost the use of it during the remainder of his 
life. On May n, 1776, Colonel Maclean was appointed adjutant- 
general of the army, which he held until June 6, 1777, when he 
became brigadier-general, and placed in command at Montreal. 
As dangers thickened around General Burgoyne, General Mac- 
lean was ordered, October 20th, with the 31st and his battalion of 
the Royal Highland Emigrants, to Chimney Point, but the follow- 
ing month was ordered to Quebec. He left Quebec July 27, 1776, 
for England, in order to obtain rank and establishment for his 
regiment which had been promised. He returned to Canada, ar- 
riving in Quebec May 28, 1777. In 1778 he again went to Eng- 
land and made a personal appeal to the king in behalf of his regi- 
ment, which proved successful. May 1, 1779, he sailed from 
Spithead and arrived at Quebec on August 16th. He became 
colonel in the army November 17, 1780, and in the winter of 1782 
had command from the ports at Oswegatchie to Alichilimackinac. 
Soon after the peace of 1783, General Maclean retired from the 
service. He married Janet, daughter of Donald Maclean of 
Brolass, and died without issue, in London, in March, 1797- 
From the contents of many letters directed to John Maclean of 



Lochbuie, it is to be inferred that he died in comparative poverty. 
His correspondence during his command of the Highland Emi- 
grants is among the Haldimand MSS. in the British Museum. 

General Allan Maclean of Torloisk has been confused by 
some writers — notablv by General Stewart in his "Sketches of the 

Sir Allan Maclean, Bakt. 

Highlands" and Dr. James Brown in his "History of the High- 
lands and Highland Clans" — with Sir Allan Maclean, twenty- 
second chief of his clan. Sir Allan served in different parts of 
the globe. The first notice of his military career is as a captain 
under the earl of Drumlanrig in the service of Holland. July 16, 
1757, he became a captain in Montgomery's Highlanders, and 


June 25, 1762, major in the 119th foot or the Prince's Own. He 
obtained the rank of lieutenant-colonel May 25, 1772, and died on 
Inch Kenneth, December 10, 1783. He married Anna, daughter 
of Hector Maclean of Coll. Dr. Samuel Johnson visited him dur- 
ing - his tour of the Hebrides, and was so delighted with the 
baronet and his amiable daughters that he broke out into a Latin 


General Francis Maclean, of the family of Blaich, as soon as 
he was able to bear arms, obtained a commission in the same regi- 
ment with his father; was at the defence of Bergen-op Zoom in 
1747, and was detained prisoner in France for some time; was 
appointed captain in the 2nd battalion of the 42nd Highlanders 
on its being raised in October, 1758. At the capture of the island 
of Guadaloupe, he was severely wounded, but owing to his gallant 
conduct was promoted to the rank of major, and appointed gov- 
ernor of the island of Marie Galante. In January, 1761, he ex- 
changed into the 97th regiment, and April 13, 1762, was appointed 
lieutenant-colonel in the army. In the war in Canada, he com- 
manded a body of troops under General Wolfe, and participated 
in the capture of Montreal. He was sent, in 1762, to aid the Por- 
tuguese against the combined attack of France and Spain, and 
was made commander of Almeida, a fortified town on the Spanish 
frontier, which he held for several years ; and on being promoted 
to the rank of major-general, was nominated to the government 
of Estremadura and the city of Lisbon. On leaving Portugal in 
1778, the king presented him with a handsomely mounted sword, 
and the queen gave him a valuable diamond ring. On his return 
to England — having been gazetted colonel of the 82nd foot, De- 
cember 16, 1777 — he was immediately dispatched with a corps of 
the army for America, and appointed to the government of Hali- 
fax in Nova Scotia, where he held the rank of brigadier-general. 
During the month of June, 1779, with a part of his army, General 
Maclean repaired to the Penobscot, and there proceeded to erect 
defenses. The American army under General Lovell, from Bos- 
ton, appeared in the bay on July 28th, and began to erect batteries 


for a siege. Commodore Sir George Collier, August 13th, en- 
tered the bay with a fleet and raised the siege. General Maclean 
returned to Halifax, where he died, May 4, 1781, in the sixty- 
fourth year of his age, and unmarried. 


General John Small was born in Strathardale in Athole, in 
the year 1726, and entered the army early in life, his first commis- 
sion being in the Scotch Brigade. He obtained an ensigncy in 
1747, and was on half-pay in 1756, when appointed lieutenant in 
the 42nd Highlanders on the eve of its departure for America. 
He accompanied the regiment in 1759 in the expedition to north- 
ern New York, and in 1760 went down from Oswego to Montreal. 
In 1762 he served in the expedition to the West Indies, and on 
August 6th of the same year was promoted to a company. On 
the reduction of the regiment in 1763, Captain Small went on 
half-pay until April, 1765, when he was appointed to a company 
in the 21st or Royal North British Fusileers, which soon after 
was sent to America. With this regiment he contiued until 1775, 
when he received a commission to raise a corps of Highlanders 
in Nova Scotia. Having raised the 2nd battalion of the Royal 
Highland Emigrants, he was appointed major commandant, with 
a portion of which he joined the army with Sir Henry Clinton at 
New York in 1779, and in 1780, became lieutenant-colonel of the 
regiment. In 1782 he was quartered on Long Island. November 
18, 1790, he was appointed colonel in the army, and in 1794, lieu- 
tenant-governor of the island of Guernsey ; he was promoted to the 
rank of major-general October 3, 1794, and died at Guernsey on 
March 17, 1796, in the seventieth year of his age. 


No name in the Scottish Highlands bears such a charm as 
that of Flora Macdonald. Her praise is frequently sung, sketches 
of her life published, and her portrait adorns thousands of homes. 
While her distinction mainly rests on her efforts in behalf of the 
luckless prince Charles, after the disastrous battle of Culloden; 



yet, in reality, her character was strong, and she was a noble type 
of womanhood in her native isle. 

Flora Macdonald — or "Flory," as she always wrote her 
name, even in her marriage contract — born in 1722, was a daugh- 
ter of Ranald Macdonald, tacksman of Milton, in South Uist, an 
island of the Hebrides. Her father died when she was about two 

Flora Macdonald. 

years old, and when six years old she was deprived of the care 
of her mother, who was abducted and married by Hugh Macdon- 
ald of Armadale in Skye. Flora remained in Milton with her 
brother Angus till her thirteenth year, when she was taken into 
the mansion of the Clanranalds, where she became an accom- 
plished player on the spinet. In 1739 she went to Edinburgh to 
complete her studies where, until 1745, she resided in the family 


of Sir Alexander Macdonald of the Isles. While on a visit to the 
Clanranalds in Benbecula, prince Charles Edward arrived there 
after the battle of Culloden in 1746. She enabled the prince to 
escape to Skye. For this she was arrested and thrown into the 
Tower of London. On receiving her liberty, in 1747, she stayed 
for a time in the house of Lady Primrose, where she was visited 
by many persons of distinction. Before leaving London she was 
presented with £1500. On her return to Scotland she was enter- 
tained at Monkstadt in Skye, at a banquet, to which the principal 
families were invited. November 6, 1750, she married Allan 
Macdonald, younger of Kingsburgh. At first they resided at 
Flodigarry; but on the death of her father-in-law they went in 
1772 to Kingsburgh. Here she was visited, in 1773, by the cele- 
brated Samuel Johnson. Her husband, oppressed by debts, was 
caught in that great wave of emigration from the Highlands to 
America. In the month of August, 1774, leaving her two young- 
est children with friends at home, Flora, her husband and older 
children, sailed in the ship Baliol, from Campbelton, Kintyre, for 
North Carolina. Flora's fame had preceded her to that distant 
country, and her departure from Scotland having become known 
to her countrymen in Carolina, she was anxiously expected and 
joyfully received on her arrival. Demonstrations on a large scale 
were made to welcome her to America. Soon after her landing, 
a largely attended ball was given in her honor at Wilmington. 
On her arrival at Cross Creek she received a truly Highland wel- 
come from her old neighbors and kinsfolk, who had crossed the 
Atlantic years before her. The strains of the Piobaireachd, and 
the martial airs of her native land, greeted her on her approach 
to the capital of the Scottish settlement. Many families of dis- 
tinction pressed upon her to make their dwellings her home, but 
she respectfully declined, preferring a settled place of her own. 
As the laird of Kingsburgh intended to become a planter, he left 
his family in Cross Creek until he could decide upon a location. 
The house in which they lived during this period was built imme- 
diately on the brink of the creek, and for many years afterwards 
was known as "Flora Macdonald's house." Northwest of Cross 
Creek, a distance of twenty miles, is a hill about six hundred feet 


in height, now called Cameron's hill, but then named Mount 
Pleasant. Around and about this hill, in 1775, many members of 
the Clan Macdonald had settled, all of whom were of near kin to 
the laird and lady of Kingsburgh. Hard by are the sources of 
Barbeque Creek, and not many miles down that stream stood the 
old kirk, where the clansmen worshipped, and where Flora in- 
scribed her name on the membership roll. 

Mount Pleasant stands in the very midst of the pinery region, 
and from it in every direction stretches the great pine forest. 
Near this center Allan Macdonald of Kingsburgh purchased of 
Caleb Touchstone a plantation embracing five hundred and fifty 
acres on which were a dwelling house and outhouses which were 
more pretentious than was then customary among Highland set- 
tlers. The sum paid, as set forth in the deed, was four hundred 
and sixty pounds. Here Flora established herself, that with her 
family she might spend the rest of her days in peace and quiet. 
But the times were not propitious. There was commotion which 
soon ended in a long and bitter war. Even this need not have 
materially disturbed the family had not Kingsburgh precipitated 
himself into the conflict, needlessly and recklessly. With blind 
fatuity he took the wrong side in the controversy ; and even then 
by the exercise of patience might have overcome the effects of his 
folly. Before Flora and her family were settled in America the 
storm gave its ominous rumble. When Governor Martin, who 
had deserted his post and fled to an armed cruiser in the mouth of 
the Cape Fear river, issued his proclamation, Allan Macdonald 
was among the first to respond. The war spirit of Flora was 
stirred within her, and she partook of the enthusiasm of her hus- 
band. According to tradition, when the Highlanders gathered 
around the standard Flora made them an address in their own 
Gaelic tongue that excited them to the highest pitch of warlike 
enthusiasm. With the due devotion of an affectionate wife, Flora 
followed her husband for several days, and encamped one night 
with him in a dangerous place, on the brow of Haymount, near 
the American forces. For a time she refused to listen to her hus- 
band's entreaties to return home, for he thought his life was 
enough to be in jeopardy. Finally when the army took up its 


march with banners flying and martial music, she deemed it time 
to retrace her steps, and affectionately embraced her husband, 
her eyes dimmed with tears as she breathed an earnest prayer to 
heaven for his safe and speedy return to his family and home. 
But alas ! she never saw him again in America. 

The rebellion of the Highlanders in North Carolina, which 
ended in a fiasco, has already been narrated. Flora was soon 
aroused to the fact that the battle was against them, and her hus- 
band and one son were confined in Halifax jail. It appears that 
even she was brought before the Committee of Safety, where she 
exhibited a "spirited behavior."* Sorrows, indeed, had accumu- 
lated rapidly upon her: a severe typhus fever attacked the 
younger members of the family and two of her children died, a 
boy and a girl aged respectively eleven and thirteen, and her 
daughter, Fanny, was still in precarious health, from the dregs of 
a recent fever. By the advice of her imprisoned husband she re- 
solved to return to her native country. Fortunately for her she 
secured the favor and good offices of Captain Ingram, an Ameri- 
can officer, who promised to assist her. He furnished her with a 
passport to Wilmington, and from thence she found her way to 
Charleston, from which port she sailed to her native land, in 1779. 
In this step she was partly governed by the state of health of her 
daughter Fanny. Crossing the Atlantic with none of her family 
but Fanny — her five sons and son-in-law actively engaged in the 
war — the Scottish heroine met with the last of her adventures. 
The vessel in which she sailed engaged a French privateer, and 
during the conflict her left arm was broken. So, in after years, 
she truthfully said that she had served both the House of Stuart 
and the House of Hanover, but had been worsted in the cause of 
each. For some time she resided at Milton, where her brother 
built her a cottage; but on the return of her husband they again 
settled at Kingsburgh, where she died March 5, 1790. 

*Captain Alexander McDonald's Letter-Rook, p. 387. 


Distinguished Highlanders in American Interests. 

The attitude of the Highlanders during the Revolutionary 
War was not of such a nature as to bring them prominently into 
view in the cause of freedom. Nor was it the policy of the Amer- 
ican statesmen to cater to race distinctions and prejudices. They 
did not regard their cause to be a race war. They fought for 
freedom without regard to their origin, believing that a just Prov- 
idence would smile upon their efforts. Many nationalities were 
represented in the American army. Men left their homes in the 
Old World, purposely to engage in the cause of Independence, 
some of whom gained immortal renown, and will be remembered 
with honor by generations yet unborn. As has been already noted, 
there were natives of the Highlands of Scotland, who had made 
America their home and imbibed the principles of political liberty, 
and early identified themselves with the cause of their adopted 
country. The lives of some of these patriots are herewith im- 
perfectly sketched. 


There are few names in the annals 
of the American Revolution upon which 
one can linger with more satisfaction 
than that of the gallant and true-hearted 
Alexander McDougall. As early as Au- 
gust 20, 1775, Washington wrote to 
General Schuyler concerning him : his 
"zeal is unquestionable."* Writing to 
General McDougall, May 23, 1777, 
Washington says: 'T wish every officer 
in the army could appeal to His own 

Gen. Alexander McDougall. near t anc l find the Same principles of 

conduct, that I am persuaded actuate 
*Spark's Washington's Writings, Vol. Ill, p. 62. 


you."* The same writing to Thomas Jefferson, August I, 1786, 
lamented the brave "soldier and disinterested patriot," and ex- 
claimed, "Thus some of the pillars of the revolution fall."f 

Alexander McDougall was born in the island of Islay in Scot- 
land, in 1 73 1, being the son of Ranald McDougall, who emigrated 
to the province of New York in 1735. The father purchased a 
small farm near the city of New York, and there peddled milk, in 
which avocation he was assisted by his son., who never was 
ashamed of the employment of his youth. Alexander was a keen 
observer of passing events and took great interest in the game of 
politics. With vigilance he watched the aggressive steps of the 
royal government; and when the Assembly, in the winter of 1769, 
faltered in its opposition to the usurpations of the crown and in- 
sulted the people by rejecting a proposition authorizing the vote 
by ballot, and by entering on the favorable consideration of a bill 
of supplies for troops quartered in the city to overawe the inhabi- 
tants, he issued an address, under the title of "A Son of Liberty to 
the Betrayed Inhabitants of the Colony," in which he contrasted 
the Assembly with the legislative bodies in other parts of the 
country, and held up their conduct to unmitigated and just indig- 
nation. The bold and deserved rebuke was laid before the house 
by its speaker, and, with the exception of Philip Schuyler, every 
member voted that it was "an infamous and seditious libel." A 
proclamation for the discovery of the author was issued by the 
governor, and it being traced to Alexander McDougall, he was ar- 
rested in February, 1770, and refusing to give bail was committed 
to prison by order of chief justice Horsmanden. As he was being 
carried to prison, clearly reading in the signs about him the future 
of the country, he exclaimed, "I rejoice that I am the first sufferer 
for liberty since the commencement of our glorious struggle." 
During the two months of his confinement he was overrun with 
visitors. He poured forth continued appeals to the people, and 
boldly avowed his revolutionary opinions. In every circle his case 
was the subject of impassioned conversation, and in an especial 
manner he became the idol of the masses. A packed jury found 

*Ibid, Vol. IV, p. 430. Ubid, Vol. IX, p. 


an indictment against him, and on December 20th he was ar- 
raigned at the bar of the Assembly on the same charge, on which 
occasion he was defended by George Clinton, afterwards the first 
governor of the State of New York. In the course of the follow- 
ing month a writ of habeas corpus was sued out, but without re- 
sult, and he was not liberated until March 4, 1771, when the as- 
sembly was prorogued. When the Assembly attempted to extort 
from him a humiliating recantation, he undauntingly answered 
their threat, that "rather than resign my rights and privileges as a 
British subject, I would suffer my right hand to be cut off at the 
bar of the house." When set at liberty he entered into correspon- 
dence with the master-spirits in all parts of the country ; and when 
the celebrated meetings in the fields were held, on July 6, 1774, 
preparatory to the election of the New York delegates to the First 
General Congress, he was called to preside, and resolutions pre- 
pared by him were adopted, pointing out the mode of choosing 
deputies, inveighing against the Boston Port Bill, and urging 
upon the proposed congress the prohibition of all commercial in- 
tercourse with Great Britain. In March 1775, he was a member 
of the Provincial Convention, and was nominated as one of the 
candidates for the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, but was 
not elected. In the same year he received a commission as colonel 
of the 1st New York regiment, and on August 9, 1776, was cre- 
ated brigadier-general. On the evening of the 29th of the same 
month he was selected by Washington to superintend the embark- 
ation of the troops from Brooklyn ; was actively engaged on Chat- 
terton's Hill and in various places in New Jersey ; and when Gen- 
eral William Heath, in the spring of 1777, left Peekskill to assume 
the command of the eastern department, he succeeded that officer, 
but was compelled, by a superior force under Sir William Howe, 
to retreat from the town, after destroying a considerable supply of 
stores, on March 23rd. After the battle of Germantown, in which 
he participated, Washington, writing to the president of Congress, 
under date of October 7, 1777, says: 

"I cannot however omit this opportunitv of recommending 
General McDougall to their notice. This gentleman, from the 


time of his appointment as brigadier, from his abilities, military- 
knowledge, and approved bravery, has every claim to promotion."* 

On the 20th of the same month he was commissioned major- 
general. On March 16, 1778, he was directed to assume the com- 
mand of the different posts on the Hudson, and, with activity, pur- 
sued the construction of the fortifications in the Highlands, and, 
after the flight of General Arnold, was put in command of West 
Point, October 5, 1780. Near the close of that year he was called 
upon by New York to repair to Congress as one of their represen- 
tatives. It was a critical moment, and Washington urged his 
acceptance of the post; accordingly he took his seat in the Con- 
gress the next January. Congress having organized an execu- 
tive department, in 1781, General McDougall was appointed Min- 
ister of Marine. He did not remain long in Philadelphia, for his 
habits, friendships, associations and convictions of duty recalled 
him to the camp. The confidence felt in his integrity and good 
judgment by all classes in the service, was such, that when the 
army went into winter quarters at Newburgh, in 1783, he was 
chosen at the head of the delegation to Congress to represent their 
grievances. The same year, after the close of the war, he was 
elected to represent the Southern District in the senate of New 
York and continued a member of that body until his death, which 
occurred in the city of New York June 8, 1786. At the time of his 
decease, General McDougall was president of the Bank of New 
York. In politics he adhered to the Hamilton party. 


The history of the emigration of John Mohr Mcintosh to 
Georgia, and the settlement upon the Alatamaha, where now 
stands the city of Darien, has already been recorded. The 
second son of John Mohr was Lachlan, born near Raits in 
Badenoch, Scotland, March 17, 1725, and consequently was 
eleven years old at the time he emigrated to America. As has 
been already noted John Mohr Mcintosh was captured by the 
Spaniards at Fort Moosa, carried to Spain, and after several 
years, returned in broken health. 

*Ibid, Vol. V, p. 85. 




Both Lachlan and his elder brother William were placed as 
cadets in the regiment by General Oglethorpe. When General 
Oglethorpe made his final preparations for his return to England, 
the two young brothers were found hid away in the hold of an- 
other vessel, for they had heard of the attempts then being made 
by prince Charles to regain the throne of his ancestors, and they 
hoped to regain something that the family of Borlam had lost, of 
which they were members. General Oglethorpe had the two boys 
brought to his cabin ; he spoke to them of the friendship he had en- 
tertained for their father, 
of the kindness he had 
shown to themselves, of 
the hopelessness of every 
attempt of the house of 
Stuart, of their own folly 
in engaging in this wild 
and desperate struggle, of 
his own duty as an officer 
of the house of Brunswick; 
but if they would go ashore, 
their secret should be his. 
He received their pledge 
and they never saw him 

At that time the 
means of education in 
Georgia were limited, yet 
under his mother's care Lachlan Mcintosh was well instructed 
in English, mathematics and other branches necessary for future 
military use. Lachlan sought the promising field of enterprise in 
Charleston, South Carolina, where the fame of his father's gal- 
lantry and misfortunes secured to him a kind reception from 
Henry Laurens, afterwards president of Congress, and the first 
minister of the United States to Holland. In the house of that 
patriot he remained several years, and contracted friendships that 
lasted while he lived, with some of the leading citizens of the 
southern colonies. Having adopted the profession of surveyor, 

General Lachlan McIntosh. 


and married, he returned to Georgia, where he acquired a wide 
and honorable reputation. On account of his views concerning 
certain lands between the Alatamaha and St. Mary's rivers which 
did not coincide with those of Governor Wright of Georgia, it af- 
forded the latter a pretence, for a long and deliberate opposition to 
the interests of Lachlan Mcintosh, which gradually schooled him 
for the approaching conflict between England and her American 
colonies. When that event began to dawn upon the people every 
eye in Georgia was turned to General Mcintosh as the leader of 
whatever force that province might bring into the struggle. 
When, therefore, the revolutionary government was organized 
and an order was made for raising a regiment was adopted, Lach- 
lan Mcintosh was made colonel commandant ; and when the order 
was issued for raising three other regiments, in September, 1776, 
he was immediately appointed brigadier-general commandant. 
About this time Button Gwinnett was elected governor, who had 
been an unsuccessful competitor for the command of the troops. 
He was a man unrestrained by any honorable principles, and used 
his official authority in petty persecutions of General Mcintosh 
and his family. The general bore all this patiently until his op- 
ponent ceased to be governor, when he communicated to him the 
opinion he entertained of his conduct. He received a challenge, 
and in a duel wounded him mortally. General Mcintosh now ap- 
plied, through his friend Colonel Henry Laurens, for a place in 
the Continental army, which was granted, and with his staff was 
invited to join the commander-in-chief. He soon won the confi- 
dence of Washington, and for a long time was placed in his front, 
while watching the superior forces of Sir William Howe in Phil- 

While the army was in winter quarters at Valley Forge, the 
attention of the government was called to the exposed condition 
of the western frontier, upon which the British was constantly 
exciting the Indians to the most terrible atrocities. It was de- 
termined that General Mcintosh should command an expedition 
against the Indians on the Ohio. In a letter to the President of 
Congress, dated May 12, 1778, Washington says: 

"After much consideration upon the subject, I have ap- 


pointed General Mcintosh to command at Fort Pitt, and in the 
western country, for which he will set out as soon as he can ac- 
commodate his affairs. I part with this gentleman with much re- 
luctance, as I esteem him an officer of great worth and merit, and 
as I know his services here are and will be materially wanted. His 
firm disposition and equal justice, his assiduity and good under- 
standing, added to his being a stranger to all parties in that quar- 
ter, pointed him out as a proper person."* 

With a reinforcement of five hundred men General Mcintosh 
marched to Fort Pitt, of which he assumed the command, and in 
a short time he gave repose to all western Pennsylvania and Vir- 
ginia. In the spring of 1779, he completed arrangements for an 
expedition against Detroit, but in April was recalled by Washing- 
ton to take part in the operations proposed for the south, where 
his knowledge of the country, added to his Stirling qualities, prom- 
ised him a useful field. He joined General Lincoln in Charleston, 
and every preparation in their power was made for the invasion of 
Georgia, then in possession of the British, as soon as the French 
fleet under count D'Estaing should arrive on the coast. General 
Mcintosh marched to Augusta, took command of the advance of 
the troops, and proceeding down to Savannah, drove in all the 
British outposts. Expecting to be joined by the French, he 
marched to Beauly, where count D'Estaing effected a landing on 
September 12th, 13th, and 14th, and on the 15th was joined by 
General Lincoln. General Mcintosh pressed for an immediate at- 
tack, but the French admiral refused. In the very midst of the 
siege the French fleet put to sea, leaving Generals Lincoln and 
Mcintosh to retreat to Charleston, where they were besieged by 
an overwhelming force under Sir Henry Clinton, to whom the city 
was surrendered on May 12, 1780. With this event the military 
life of General Mcintosh closed. He was long detained a pris- 
oner of war, and when finally released, retired with his family to 
Virginia, where he remained until the British troops were driven 
from Savannah. Upon his return to Georgia, he found his per- 
sonal property wasted and his real estate much diminished in 
value. From that time to the close of his life, in a great measure, 

*/bid, Vol. V, p. 361. 



he lived in retirement and comparative poverty until his death, 
which took place at Savannah, February 20, 1806. 

General Arthur St. Clair. 


The life of Major Gen- 
eral Arthur St. Clair was a 
stormy one, full of disap- 
pointments, shattered hopes, 
and yet honored and revered 
for the distinguished and dis- 
interested services he per- 
formed. He was a near rela- 
tive of the then earl of Ros- 
lin, and was born in 1734, in 
the town of Thurso, Caith- 
ness in Scotland. He inher- 
^^'/^//^^^^^^^45 ited the fine personal appear- 

ance and manly traits of the 
St. Clairs. After graduating 
at the University of Edin- 
burgh, he entered upon the study of medicine under the celebrated 
Doctor William Hunter of London ; but receiving a large sum of 
money from his mother's estate in 1757, he changed his purpose 
and sought adventures in a military life, and the same year en- 
tered the service of the king of Great Britain, as ensign in the 60th 
or Royal American Regiment of Foot. In May of the succeeding 
year he was with General Amherst before Louisburg. Gathered 
there were men soon to become famous among whom were Wolfe, 
Montcalm, Murray and Lawrence. For gallant conduct Arthur 
St. Clair received a lieutenant's commission, April 17, 1759, and 
was with General Wolfe in that brilliant struggle before Quebec, 
in September of the same year, and soon after was made a captain. 
In 1760 he married at Boston, Miss Phcebe Bayard, with a fortune 
of £40,000, which added to his own made him a man of wealth. 
On April 16, 1762, he resigned his commission in the army, and 
soon after led a colony of Scotch settlers to the Ligonier Valley, in 


Pennsylvania, where he purchased for himself one thousand acres 
of land. Improvements everywhere sprang up under his guiding 
genius. He held various offices, among which was member of the 
Proprietory Council of Pennsylvania, and colonel of militia. The 
mutterings which preceded the American Revolution were early 
heard in the beautiful valley of the Ligonier. Colonel St. Clair 
was not slow to take action, and espoused the cause of the patriots 
with all the intensity of his character, and never, even for a mo- 
ment, swerved in the cause. He was destined to receive the en- 
during friendship of Washington, La Fayette, Hamilton, Schuy- 
ler, Wilson, Reed, and others of the most distinguished patriots of 
the Revolution. Early in the year 1776, he resigned his civil 
offices, and led the 2nd Pennsylvania Regiment in the invasion of 
Canada, and on account of the remarkable skill there displayed in 
saving from capture the army of General Sullivan, he received the 
rank of brigadier-general, August 6, 1776. He claimed to have 
pointed out the Quaker road to Washington on the night before 
the battle of Princeton. On account of his meritorious services in 
that battle, he was made a major-general, February 19, 1777. On 
the advance of General Burgoyne, who now threatened the great 
avenue from the north, General St. Clair was placed in command 
of Ticonderoga. Discovering that he could not hold the position, 
with great reluctance he ordered the fort evacuated. A great 
clamor was raised against him, especially in the New England 
States, and on account of this he was suspended, and a court-mar- 
tial ordered. Retaining the confidence of Washington he was a 
volunteer aid to that commander at the battle of Brandywine. In 
September 1778, the court-martial acquired him of all the charges. 
He was on the court-martial that condemned Major John Andre, 
adjutant-general of the British army, as a spy, who had been ac- 
tively implicated in the treason of Benedict Arnold, and soon after 
was placed in command of West Point. He assisted in quelling 
the mutiny of the Pennsylvania line, and shared in the crowning 
glory of the Revolution, the capture of the British army under 
lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. Soon afterwards General St. Clair 
retired to private life, but his fellow-citizens soon determined 


otherwise. In 1783 he was on the board of censors for Pennsyl- 
vania, and afterwards chosen vendue-master of Philadelphia; in 
1786 was elected a member of Congress, and in 1787 was presi- 
dent of that body, which at that time, was the highest office 
in America. In 1788 he was elected governor of the North West 
Territory, which imposed upon him the duty of governing, 
organizing, and bringing order out of chaos, over that region of 
country. In 1791, Washington made him commander-in-chief of 
the army, and in the autumn, with an ill-appointed force, set out, 
under the direct orders from Henry Knox, then Secretary of 
War, on an expedition against the Indians, but met with an over- 
whelming defeat on November 4th. The disaster was investi- 
gated by Congress, and the general was justly exonerated from all 
blame. He resigned his commission as general in 1792, but con- 
tinued in office as governor until 1802, when he was summarily 
dismissed by Thomas Jefferson, then president. In poverty he re- 
tired to a log-house which overlooked the valley he had once 
owned. In vain he pressed his claims against the government for 
the expenditures he had made during the Revolution, in aid of the 
cause. In 1812 he published his "Narrative." In 1813 the legis- 
lature of Pennsylvania granted him an annuity of $400, and finally 
the general government gave him a pension of $60 per month. 
He died at Laural Hill, Pennsylvania, August 31, 1818, from in- 
juries received by being thrown from a wagon. 

Years afterwards Judge Burnet wrote, declaring him to have 
been "unquestionably a man of superior talents, of extensive in- 
formation, and of great uprightness of purpose, as well as suavity 
of manners. * * * He had been accustomed from infancy to 
mingle in the circles of taste and refinement, and had acquired a 
polish of manners, and a habitual respect for the feelings of 
others, which might be cited as a specimen of genuine polite- 

In 1870 the State of Ohio purchased the papers of General 
St. Clair, and in 1882 these were published in two volumes, con- 
taining twelve hundred and seventy pages. 

*Notes on the North-Western Territory, p. 378. 



The lives of men who have won a great name on the field of 
battle throw a glamor over themselves which is both interesting 
and fascinating; and those treading the same path but cut off in 
their career are forgotten. However, the American Revolution 
affords many acts of heroism performed by those who did not 
command armies, some of whom performed many acts worthy of 
record. Perhaps, among the minor officers none had such a suc- 
cessful run of brilliant exploits as Sergeant Macdonald, many of 
which are sufficiently well authenticated. Unfortunately the es- 
sential particulars relating to him have not been preserved. The 
warlike deeds which he exhibited are recorded in the "Life of 
General Francis Marion" by General Horry, of Marion's brigade, 
and Weems. Just how far Weems romanced may never be 
known, but in all probability what is related concerning Sergeant 
Macdonald is practically true, save the shaping up of the story. 

Sergeant Macdonald is represented to have been a son of 
General Donald Macdonald, who headed the Highlanders in 
North Carolina, and met with an overwhelming defeat at Moore's 
Creek Bridge. The son was a remarkably stout, red-haired young 
Scotsman, cool under the most trying difficulties, and brave with- 
out a fault. Soon after the defeat and capture of his father he 
joined the American troops and served under General Horry. 
One day General Horry asked him why he had entered the service 
of the patriots. In substance he made the following reply: 

"Immediately on the misfortune of my father and his friends 
at the Great Bridge, I fell to thinking what could be the cause; 
and then it struck me that it must have been owing to their own 
monstrous ingratitude. 'Here now,' said I to myself, 'is a parcel 
of people, meaning my poor father and his friends, who fled from 
the murderous swords of the English after the massacre at Cul- 
loden. Well, they came to America, with hardly anything but 
their poverty and mournful looks. But among this friendly peo- 
ple that was enough. Every eye that saw us, had pity ; and every 
hand was reached out to assist. They received us in their houses 
as though we had been their own unfortunate brothers. They 
kindled high their hospitable fires for us, and spread their feasts, 
and bid us eat and drink and banish our sorrows, for that we were 


in a land of friends. And so indeed, we found it; for whenever 
we told of the woeful battle of Culloden, and how the English 
gave no quarter to our unfortunate countrymen, but butchered 
all they could overtake, these generous people often gave us their 
tears, and said, 'O ! that we had been there to aid with our rifles, 
then should many of these monsters have bit the ground.' They 
received us into the bosoms of their peaceful forests, and gave us 
their lands and their beauteous daughters in marriage, and we 
became rich. And yet, after all, soon as the English came to 
America, to murder this innocent people, merely for refusing to 
be their slaves, then my father and friends, forgetting all that the 
Americans had done for them, went and joined the British, to as- 
sist them to cut the throats of their best friends ! Now,' said I to 
myself, 'if ever there was a time for God to stand up to punish in- 
gratitude, this was the time.' And God did stand up; for he en- 
abled the Americans to defeat my father and his friends most com- 
pletely. But, instead of murdering the prisoners as the English 
had done at Culloden, they treated us with their usual generosity. 
And now these are the people I love and will fight for as long as 
I live." 

The first notice given of the sergeant was the trick which he 
played on a royalist. As soon as he heard that Colonel Tarleton 
was encamped at Monk's Corner, he went the next morning to a 
wealthy old royalist of that neighborhood, and passing himself 
for a sergeant in the British corps, presented Colonel Tarleton's 
compliments with the request that he would send him one of his 
best horses for a charger, and that he should not lose by the gift. 

"Send him one of my finest horses !" cried the old traitor with 
eyes sparkling with joy. "Yes, Mr. Sergeant, that I will, by gad ! 
and would send him one of my finest daughters too, had he but 
said the word. A good friend of the king, did he call me, Mr. 
Sergeant? yes, God save his sacred majesty, a good friend I am 
indeed, and a true. And, faith, I am glad too, Mr. Sergeant, that 
colonel knows it. Send him a charger to drive the rebels, hey? 
Yes, egad will I send him one, and as proper a one too as ever a 
soldier straddled. Dick! Dick! I say you Dick!" 

"Here, massa, here! here Dick!" 

"Oh, you plaguey dog ! so I must always split my throat with 
bawling, before I can get you to answer hey ?" 

"High, massa, sure Dick alwavs answer when he hear massa 

"You do, you villian, do you? Well then run ! jump, fly, you 


rascal, fly to the stable, and bring me out Selim, my young Selim ! 
do you hear? you villiam, do you hear?" 

"Yes, massa, be sure !" 

Then turning to the sergeant he went on : 

"Well, Mr. Sergeant, you have made me confounded glad 
this morning, you may depend. And now suppose you take a 
glass of peach ; of good old peach, Mr. Sergeant ? do you think it 
would do you any harm ?" 

"Why, they say it is good of a rainy morning, sir," replied 
the sergeant. 

"O yes, famous of a rainy morning, Mr. Sergeant ! a mighty 
antifogmatic. It prevents you the ague, Mr. Sergeant ; and clears 
a man's throat of the cobwebs, sir." 

"God bless your honor !" said the sergeant as he turned off a 

Scarcely had this conversation passed when Dick paraded 

Selim ; a proud, full-blooded, stately steed, that stepped as though 

he were too lofty to walk upon the earth. Here the old man 

brightening up, broke out again : 

"Aye !. there, Mr. Sergeant, there is a horse for you ! isn't he, 
my boy?" 

"Faith, a noble animal, sir," replied the sergeant. 

"Yes, egad ! a noble animal indeed ; a charger for a king, Mr. 
Sergeant ! Well, my compliments to Colonel Tarleton ; tell him 
I've sent him a horse, my young Selim, my grand Turk, do you 
hear, my son of thunder? And say to the colonel that I don't 
grudge him either, for egad ! he's too noble for me, Mr. Sergeant. 
I've no work that's fit for him, sir ; no sir, if there's any work in all 
this country that's good enough for him but just that which he is 
now going on ; the driving the rebels out of the land." 

He had Selim caparisoned with his elegant new saddle and 
holsters, with his silver-mounted pistols. Then giving Sergeant 
Macdonald a warm breakfast, and loaning him his great coat, he 
sent him off, with the promise that he would, the next morning, 
come and see how Colonel Tarleton was pleased with Selim. Ac- 
cordingly he waited on the English colonel, told him his name 
with a smiling countenance; but, to his mortification received no 
special notice. After partially recovering from his embarrass- 
ment he asked Colonel Tarleton how he liked his charger. 

"Charger, sir?" said the colonel. 

"Yes, sir, the elegant horse I sent you yesterday." 


"The elegant horse you sent me, sir?" 

"Yes, sir, and by your sergeant, sir, as he called himself." 

"An elegant horse ! and by my sergeant ? Why really, sir, 
I-I-I don't understand all this." 

"Why, my dear, good sir, did you not send a sergeant yester- 
day with your compliments to me, and a request that I would send 
you my very best horse for a charger, which I did ?" 

"No, sir, never!" replied the colonel; "I never sent a sergeant 
on any such errand. Nor till this moment did I ever know that 
there existed on earth such a being as you." 

The old man turned black in the face ; he shook throughout ; 
and as soon as he could recover breath and power of speech, he 
broke out into a torrent of curses, enough to make one shudder at 
his blasphemy. Nor was Colonel Tarleton much behind him 
when he learned what a valuable animal had slipped through his 

When Sergeant Macdonald was asked how he could reconcile 
the taking of the horse he replied : 

"Why, sir, as to that matter, people will think differently; 
but for my part I hold that all is fair in war ; and besides, sir, if I 
had not taken him ColonelTarleton, no doubt, would have got 
him. And then, with such a swift strong charger as this he might 
do us as much harm as I hope to do them." 

Harm he did .with a vengeance ; for he had no sense of fear ; 
and for strength he could easily drive his sword through cap and 
skull of an enemy with irresistible force. He was fond of Selim, 
and kept him to the top of his metal ; Selim was not much his 
debtor; for, at the first glimpse of a red-coat, he would paw, and 
champ his iron bit with rage; and the moment of command, he 
was off among them like a thunderbolt. The gallant Highlander 
never stopped to count the number, but would dash into the thick- 
est of the fight, and fall to hewing and cutting down like an un- 
controllable giant. 

General Horry, when lamenting the death of his favorite 
sergeant said that the first time he saw him fight was when the 
British held Georgetown; and with the sergeant the two set out 
alone to reconnoitre. The two concealed themselves in a clump of 
pines near the road, with the enemy's lines in full view. About 
sunrise five dragoons left the town and dashed up the road 


towards the place where the heroes were concealed. The face of 
Sergeant Macdonald kindled up with the joy of battle. "Zounds, 
Macdonald," said General Horry, "here's an odds against us, five 
to two." "By my soul now captain," he replied, "and let 'em 
come on. Three are welcome to the sword of Macdonald." 
When the dragoons were fairly opposite, the two, with drawn 
sabres broke in upon them like a tornado. The panic was com- 
plete ; two were immediately overthrown, and the remaining three 
wheeled about and dashed for the town, applying the whip and 
spur to their steeds. The sergeant mounted upon the swift-footed 
Selim out-distanced his companion, and single-handed cut down 
two of the foe. The remaining one would have met a like fate had 
not the guns of the fort protected him. Although quickly pur- 
sued by the relief, the sergeant had the address to bring off an ele- 
gant horse of one of the dragoons whom he had killed. 

A day or two after the victory of General Marion over Col- 
onel Tynes, near the Black river, General Horry took Captain 
Baxter, Lieutenant Postell and Sergeant Macdonald, with thirty 
privates, to see if some advantage could not be gained over the 
enemy near the lines of Georgetown. While partaking of a meal 
at the house of a planter, a British troop attempted to surprise 
them. The party leaped to their saddles and were soon in hot 
pursuit of the foe. While all were excellently mounted, yet no 
horse could keep pace with Selim. He was the hindmost when the 
race began, but with widespread nostrils, long extended neck, and 
glaring eyeballs, he seemed to fly over the course. Coming up 
with the enemy Sergeant Macdonald drew his claymore, and ris- 
ing on his stirrups, with high-uplifted arm, he waved it three 
times in circles over his head, and then with terrific force brought 
it down upon the fleeing dragoon. One of the British officers 
snapped his pistol at him, but before he could try another the ser- 
geant cut him down. Immediately after, at a blow apiece, three 
more dragoons were brought to the earth by the resistless clay- 
more. Of the twenty-five, not a man escaped, save one officer, 
who struck off at right angles, for a swamp, which he gained, and 
so cleared himself. So frightened was Captain Meriot, the Brit- 



ish officer, that his hair, from a bright auburn, before night, had 
turned gray. 

On the following day General Horry encountered one third 
of Colonel Gainey's men, and in the encounter the latter lost one 
half his men who were in the action. In the conflict, as usual the 
sergeant performed prodigies of valor. Later in the day Colonel 
Gainey's regiment again commenced the attack, when Sergeant 

Sergeant Macdonald and Colonel Gainey. 

Macdonald made a dash for the leader, in full confidence of get- 
ting a gallant charger. Colonel Gainey proved to have been well 
mounted; but the sergeant, regarding but the one enemy passed 
all others. He afterwards said he could have slain several in the 
charge, but wished for no meaner object than their leader. Only 
one, who threw himself in the way, became his victim, whom he 
shot down as they went at full speed along the Black river road. 
When they reached the corner of Richmond fence, the sergeant 


had gained so far upon his enemy, as to be able to plunge his bay- 
one into his back. The steel parted from the gun, and, with no 
time to extricate it, Colonel Gainey rushed into Georgetown, with 
the weapon still conspicuously showing how close and eager had 
been the charge, and how narrow the escape. The wound was not 

On another occasion General Marion ordered Captain With- 
ers to take Sergeant Macdonald, with four volunteers, and search 
out the intentions of the enemy in Georgetown. On the way they 
stopped at a wayside house and drank too much brandy. Ser- 
geant Macdonald, feeling the effects of the potion, with a red 
face, reined up Selim, and drawing his claymore, began to pitch 
and prance about, cutting and slashing the empty air, and cried 
out, "Huzza, boys! let's charge!" Then clapping spurs to their 
steeds these six men, huzzaing and flourishing their swords, 
charged at full tilt into a town garrisoned by three hundred Brit- 
ish. The enemy supposing this was the advance guard of General 
Marion, fled to their redoubts ; but all were not fortunate enough 
to reach that haven, for several were overtaken and cut down in 
the streets, among whom was a sergeant-major, who fell from a 
back-handed stroke of a claymore dealt by Sergeant Macdonald. 
Out of the town the young men galloped without receiving any in- 

Not long after the above incident, the sergeant, as usual em- 
ploying himself in watching the movements of the British, 
climbed up into a bushy tree, and thence, with a musket loaded 
with pistol bullets, fired at the guard as they passed by ; of whom 
he killed one man and badly wounded Lieutenant Torquano ; 
then sliding down the tree, mounted Selim, and was soon out of 
harm's was. Repassing the Black river he left his clothes behind 
him, which were seized by the enemy. He sent word to Colonel 
Watson if he did not immediately send back his clothes, he would 
kill eight of his men to compensate for them. He felt it was a 
point of honor that he should recover his clothes. Colonel Wat- 
son greatly irritated by a late defeat, was furious at the audacious 
message. He contemptuously ordered the messenger to return ; 
but some of his officers, aware of the character of the sergeant, 


urged that the clothes might be returned to the partisan, as he 
would positively keep his word. Colonel Watson yielded, and 
when the messenger returned to the sergeant, he said, "You may 
now tell Colonel Watson that I will kill but four of his men." 

The last relation of Sergeant Macdonald, as given by Gen- 
eral Peter Horry, is in reference to Captains Snipes and McCauley, 
with the sergeant and forty men, having surprised and cut to 
pieces a large party of the enemy near Charleston. 

Sergeant Macdonald did not live to reap the fruit of his 
labors, or even to see his country free. He was killed at the siege 
of Fort Motte, May 12, 1781. In this fort was stationed a British 
garrison of one hundred and fifty men under Captain McPherson, 
which had been reinforced by a small force of dragoons sent from 
Charleston with dispatches for lord Rawdon. General Marion, 
with the assistance of Colonel Henry Lee, laid siege to the fort- 
ress, which was compelled to surrender, owing to the burning of 
the mansion in the center of the works. Mrs. Rebecca Motte, the 
lady that owned the mansion, furnished the bow and arrows used 
to carry the fire to the roof of the building. Nathan Savage, a 
private in the ranks of General Marion's men, winged the arrow 
with the lighted torch. The British did not lose a man, and Gen- 
eral Marion lost two of his bravest, — Lieutenant Cruger and Ser- 
geant Macdonald. His resting place is unknown. No monument 
has been erected to his memory ; but his name will endure so long 
as men shall pay respect to heroism and devotion to country. 




First Emigrants to America. 

Parties bearing Highland names were in America and the 
West Indies during the seventeenth century, none of whom may 
have been born north of the Grampians. The records fail to give 
us the details. It has been noted that on May 15, 1635, Henri 
Donaldson left London for Virginia on the Plaine Joan, the mas- 
ter of which was Richard Buckam. On May 28, 1635, Melaskus 
McKay was transported from the same port and to the same 
place, on board the Speedwell, Jo. Chapped, master. Dowgall 
Campbell and his wife Mary were living in Barbadoes, Septem- 
ber 1678, as was also Patric Campel, in August 1679. Malcum 
Fraser was physician on board the Betty, that carried seventy-five 
"convicted rebells," one of whom was a woman, in 1685, sailed 
from Port Weymouth for the Barbadoes, and there sold into slav- 
ery. Many persons by name of Morgan also left various English 
ports during that century, but as they occur in conjunction with 
that of Welsh names it is probable they were from the same coun- 


Letter of Donald Macpherson. 

Communication between the two countries was difficult and 
uncertain, which would inevitably, in a short time, stop friendly 
correspondence. More or less effort was made to keep up old 
friendships. The friends in the New World did not leave behind 
them their love for the Highlands, for home, for father and 
mother. The following curious letter has been preserved from 
Donald MacPherson, a young Highland lad, who had been sent 
co Virginia with Captain Toline, and was born near the house 
of Culloden where his father lived, .and addressed to him. It 
was written about 1727: 


"Portobago in Marilante, 2 June, 17 — . 
Teer Lofen Kynt Fater : 

Dis is te lat ye ken, dat I am in quid healt, plessed be Got 
for dat, houpin te here de lyk frae yu, as I am yer nane sin, I 
wad a bine ill leart gin I had na latten yu ken tis, be kaptin Rogirs 
skep dat geangs te Innernes, per cunnan I dinna ket sika anither 
apertunti dis towmen agen. De skep dat I kam in was a lang 
tym o de see cumin oure heir, but plissis pi Got for a' ting wi a 
kepit our heels unco weel, pat Shonie Magwillivray dat hat ay 
sair heet. Dere was saxty o's a' kame inte te quintry hel a lit an 
lim an nane o's a' dyit pat Shonie Magwillivray an an otter Ross 
lad dat kam oure wi's an mai pi dem twa wad a dyit gintey hed 
bitten at hame. Pi mi fait I kanna kamplin for kumin te dis 
quintry, for mestir Nicols, Lort pliss hem, pat mi till a pra mestir, 
dey ca him Shon Bayne, an hi lifes in Marylant in te rifer Poto- 
mak, he nifer gart mi wark ony ting pat fat I lykit mi sel : de 
meast o a' mi wark is waterin a pra stennt hors, and pringin wyn 
an pread ut o de seller te mi mestir's tebil. Sin efer I kam til him 
I nefer wantit a pottle o petter ele nor isi n a' Shon Glass hous, 
for I ay set toun wi de pairns te dennir. Mi mestir seys til mi, 
fan I kon speek lyk de fouk hier dat I sanna pe pidden di nating 
pat gar his plackimors wurk, for de fyt fouk dinna ise te wurk 
pat te first yeer aftir dey kum in te de quintry. Tey speek a' lyk 
de sogers in Inerness. Lofen fater, fan de sarvants hier he deen 
wi der mestirs, dey grou unco rich, an its ne wonter for 
day mak a hantil o tombako; and des sivites anahels and 
de sheries an de pires grou in de wuds wantin tyks apout 
dem, De Swynes te ducks and durkies geangs en de wuds 
wantin mestirs. De tombako grous shust lyk de dockins en de 
bak o de lairts yart an de skeps dey kum fra ilka place an bys 
dem an gies a hantel o silder an gier for dem. Mi nane mestir 
kam til de quintry a sarfant an weil I wot hi's nou wort mony a 
susan punt. Fait ye mey pelive mi de pirest plantir hire lifes 
amost as weil as de lairt o Collottin. Mai pi fan mi tim is ut I 
wel kom hem an sie yu pat not for de fust nor de neest yeir til 
I gater somtig o mi nane, for I fan I ha dun wi mi mestir, hi maun 
gi mi a plantashon te set mi up, its de quistium hier in dis quintry ; 
an syn I houp te gar yu trink wyn insteat o tippeni in Innerness. 
I wis ! I hat kum our hier twa or tri yiers seener nor I dit, syn I 
wad ha kum de seener hame, pat Got bi tanket dat I kam sa seen 
as I dit. Gin yu koud sen mi owr be ony o yur Innesness skeps, 
ony ting te mi, an it war as muckle clays as mak a quelt it wad, 
mey pi, gar mi meistir tink te mere o mi. It's tru I ket clays 
eneu fe him bat oni ting fe yu wad luck weel an pony, an ant plese 
Got gin I life, I sal pey yu pack agen. Lofen fater, de man dat 


wryts dis letir for mi is van Shames Macheyne, hi lifes shust a 
myl fe mi, hi hes pin unko kyn te mi sin efer I kam te de quintrie. 
Hi wes porn en Petic an kom our a sarfant fe Klesgou an hes 
peen hes nane man twa yeirs, an has sax plockimors wurkin til 
hem alrety makin tombako ilka tay. Heil win hem, shortly an a' 
te geir dat he hes wun hier an py a lerts kip at hem. Luck dat 
yu duina forket te vryt til mi ay, fan yu ket ony occashion. Got 
Almichte plis yu Fater an a de leve o de hous, for I liana forkoten 
nane o yu, nor dinna yu forket mi, for plise Got I sal kum hem 
wi gier eneuch te di yu a' an mi nane sel guid. I weit yu will be 
veri vokie, fan yu sii yur nane sins fesh agen, for I heive leirt a 
hautle hevens sin I sau yu an I am unco buick leirt. 
A tis fe yur lofen an Opetient Sin, 

Tonal Mackaferson. 
Directed — For Shames Mackaferson neir te Lairt o Collottin's 
hous, neir Innerness en de Nort o Skotlan."* 

Emigration During the Eighteenth Century. 

The emigration from the Highlands to America was so pro- 
nounced that the Scottish papers, notably the '"Edinburgh Even- 
ing Courant," the "Caledonian Mercury," and the "Scots Maga- 
zine," made frequent reference and bemoan its prevalence. It 
was even felt in London, for the "Gentleman's Magazine" was 
also forced to record it. While all these details may not be of 
great interest, yet to obtain a fair idea of this movement, some 
record will be of service. 

The "Scots Magazine," for September 1769, records that the 
ship Molly sailed from Islay on August 21st of that year full of 
passengers to settle in North Carolina ; which was the third emi- 
gration from Argyle "since the close of the late war." A subse- 
quent issue of the same paper states that fifty-four vessels full of 
emigrants from the Western Islands and other .parts of the High- 
lands sailed for North Carolina, between April and July i/7°> 
conveying twelve hundred emigrants. Early in 1771, according 
to the "Scots Magazine," there were five hundred emigrants from 
Islay, and the adjacent Islands, preparing to sail in the following 
summer for America "under the conduct of a gentleman of 
wealth and merit whose predecessors resided in Islay for many 
centuries past." The paper farther notes that "there is a large 

*Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland, Vol. I, p. 198. 


colony of the most wealthy and substantial people in Skye making 
ready to follow the example of the Argathelians in going to the 
fertile and cheap lands on the other side of the Atlantic ocean. Tt 
is to be dreaded that these migrations will prove hurtful to the 
mother country; and therefore its friends ought to. use every 
proper method to prevent them. These Skye men to the number 
of three hundred and seventy, in due time left for America. The 
September issue states that "several of them are people of prop- 
erty who intend making purchases of land in America. The late 
great rise of the rents in the Western Islands of Scotland is said 
to be the reason of this emigration. 

The "Scots Magazine" states that the ship Adventure sailed 
from Loch Erribol, Sunday August 17, 1772, with upwards of 
two hundred emigrants from Sutherlandshire for North Carolina. 
There were several emigrations from Sutherlandshire that year. 
In June eight families arrived in Greenock, and two other con- 
tingents — one of one hundred and the other of ninety souls — were 
making their way to the same place en route to America. "The 
cause of this emigration they assign to be want of the means of 
livelihood at home, through the opulent graziers engrossing the 
frams, and turning them into pasture. Several contributions have 
been made for these poor people in towns through which they 

During the year 1773, emigrants from all parts of the High- 
lands sailed for America. The "Courant" of April 3, 1773, re- 
ports that "the unlucky spirit of emigration" had not diminished, 
and that several of the inhabitants of Skye, Lewis, and other 
places were preparing to emigrate to America during the coming 
summer "and seek for the sustenance abroad which they allege 
they cannot find at home." In its issue for July 3, 1773, the same 
paper states that eight hundred people from Skye were then pre- 
paring to go to North Carolina and that they had engaged a ves- 
sel at Greenock to carry them across the Atlantic. In the issue of 
the same paper for September 15th, same year, appears the 
gloomy statement .that the people of Badenoch and Lochaber were 
in "a most pitiful situation for want of meal. They were reduced 
to live on blood which they draw from their cattle by repeated 
bleedings. Need we wonder to hear of emigrations from such a 
country." On September 1, 1773, according to the "Courant," a 
ship sailed from Fort William for America with four hundred 
and twenty-five men, women, and children, all from Knoydart, 
Lochaber, Appin, Mamore, and Fort William. "They were the 
finest set of fellows in the Highlands. It is allowed they carried 
at least £6000 sterling in ready cash with them ; so that by this em- 


igration the country is not only deprived of its men, but likewise 
of its wealth. The extravagant rents started by the landlords is 
the sole cause given for this spirit of emigration which seems to 
be only in its infancy." On September 29, 1773, the "Courant," 
after stating that there were from eight to ten vessels chartered to 
convey Highland emigrants during that season across the Atlan- 
tic, adds : "Eight hundred and forty people sailed from Lewis in 
July. Alarmed with this Lord Fortrose, their master, came down 
from London about five weeks ago to treat with the remainder of 
his tenants. What are the terms they asked of him, think you? 
'The land at the old rents ; the augmentation paid for three years 
backward to be refunded; and his factor to be immediately dis- 
missed.' ' The "Courant" added that unless these terms were 
conceded the island of Lewis would soon be an uninhabited 
waste. Notwithstanding the visit of lord Fortrose, emigration 
went on. The ship Neptune with one hundred and fifty emigrants 
from Lewis arrived in New York on August 23, 1773; and, ac- 
cording to the "Scots Magazine," Between seven hundred and 
eight hundred emigrants sailed from Stornoway for America on 
June 23rd, of the same year. 

The "Courant" for September 25, 1773, in a communication 
from Dornoch, states that on the 16th of that month there sailed 
from Dornoch Firth, the ship Nancy, with two hundred and fifty 
emigrants from Sutherlandshire for New York. The freight ex- 
ceeded 650 guineas. In the previous year a ship from Sutherland- 
shire paid a freight of 650 guineas. 

In October 1773, three vessels with seven hundred and sev- 
enty-five emigrants from Moray, Ross, Sutherland, and Caith- 
ness, sailed from Stromness for America. 

The "Courant" for November 10, 1773, records that fifteen 
hundred people had left the county of Sutherland for America 
within the two preceding years. The passage money cost £3 10s 
each, and it was computed that on an average every emigrant 
brought £4 with him. "This amounts to £7500, which exceeds a 
year's rent of the whole county." 

The "Gentleman's Magazine" for June 30, 1775, states that 
"four vessels, containing about seven hundred emigrants, have 
sailed for America from Port Glasgow and Greenock, in the 
course of the present month, most of them from the north High- 
lands." The same journal for September 23rd, same year, says, 
"The ship Jupiter from Dunstaffnage Bay, with two hundred emi- 
grants on board, chiefly from Argyleshire, set sail for North Caro- 
lina. They declare the oppressions of their landlords are such 
that they can no longer submit to them." 


The perils of the sea did not deter them. Tales of suffering 
must have been heard in the glens. Some idea of these sufferings 
and what the emigrants were sometimes called upon to endure 
may be inferred from the following: 

"In December (1773), a brig from Dornock, in Scotland, ar- 
rived at New York, with about 200 passengers, and lost about 100 
on the passage."* 

Appeal to the Highlanders Lately Arrived from Scotland. 

Williamsburgh, November 2$, 1775. 

Friends and Countrymen : — A native of the same island, 
and on the same side of the Tweed with yourselves, begs, for a 
few moments, your serious attention. A regard for your happi- 
ness, and the security of your posterity, are the only motives that 
could have induced me to occupy your time by an epistolary ex- 
hortation. How far I may fall short of the object I have thus in 
view, becomes me not to surmise. The same claim, however, has 
he to praise (though, perhaps, never equally rewarded) who en- 
deavors to do good, as he who has the happiness to effect his pur- 
pose. I hope, therefore, no views of acquiring popular fame, no- 
partial or circumstantial motives, will be attributed to me for this 
attempt. If this, however, should be the case, I have the consola- 
tion to know that I am not the first, of many thousands, who have 
been censured unjustly. 

I have been lately told that our Provincial Congress have ap- 
pointed a Committee to confer with you, respecting the differ- 
ences which at present subsist between Great Britain and her 
American Colonies ; that they wish to make you their friends, and 
treat with you for that purpose ; to convince you, by facts and ar- 
gumentation, that it is necessary that every inhabitant of this 
Colony should concur in such measures as may, through the aid 
of a superintending Providence, remove those evils under which 
this Continent is at present depressed. 

The substance of the present contest, as far as my abilities 
serve me to comprehend it, is, simply, whether the Parliament of 
Great Britain shall have the liberty to take away your property 
without your consent. It seems clear and obvious to me that it is 
wrong and dangerous they should have such a power; and that if 
they are able to carry this into execution, no man in this Country 

♦Holmes' Annals of America, Vol. II, p. 183. 


has any property which he may safely call his own. Adding to the 
absurdity of a people's being taxed by a body of men at least three 
thousand miles distant, we need only observe that their views and 
sentiments are opposite to ours, their manners of living so differ- 
ent that nothing but confusion, injustice, and oppression could 
possibly attend it. If ever we are justly and righteously taxed, it 
must be by a set of men who, living amongst us, have an interest 
in the soil, and who are amenable to us for all their transactions. 

It was not to become slaves you forsook your native shores. 
Nothing could have buoyed you up against the prepossessions of 
nature and of custom, but a desire to fly from tyranny and oppres- 
sion. Here you found a Country with open arms ready to receive 
you ; no persecuting landlord to torment you ; none of your prop- 
erty exacted from you to support court favorites and dependants. 
Under these circumstances, your virtue and your interest were 
equally securities for the uprightness of your conduct; yet, inde- 
pendent of these motives, inducements are not wanting to attach 
you to the cause of liberty. No people are better qualified than 
you, to ascertain the value of freedom. They only can know its 
intrinsick worth who have had the misery of being deprived of it. 

From the clemency of the English Nation you have little to 
expect ; from the King and his Ministers still less. You and your 
forefathers have fatally experienced the malignant barbarity of a 
despotick court. You cannot have forgot the wanton acts of un- 
paralleled cruelty committed during the reign of Charles II. 
Mercy and justice were then strangers to your land, and your 
countrymen found but in the dust a sanctuary from their dis- 
tresses. The cries of age, and the concessions of youth, were ut- 
tered but to be disregarded; and equally with and without the 
formalities of law, were thousands of the innocent and deserving 
ushered to an untimely grave. The cruel and unmerited usage 
given to the Duke of Argyle, in that reign, cannot be justified or 
excused. No language can paint the horrors of this transaction; 
description falters on her way, and, lost in the labyrinth of sym- 
pathy and wo, is unable to perform the duties of her function. 
This unhappy nobleman had always professed himself an advocate 
for the Government under which he lived, and a friend to the 
reigning monarch. Whenever he deviated from these principles, 
it must have been owing to the strong impulses of honor, and the 
regard he bore to the rights of his fellow-creatures. 'It were 
endless, as well as shocking, (says an elegant writer,) to enum- 
erate all the instances of persecution, or, in other words, of ab- 
surd tyranny, which at this time prevailed in Scotland. Even 
women were thought proper objects on whom they might exercise 


their ferocious and wanton dispositions; and three of that sex, 
for refusing to sign some test drawn up by tools of Administra- 
tion, were devoted, without the solemnity of a trial, to a lingering 
and painful death.' 

I wish, for the sake of humanity in general and the royal 
family in particular, that I could throw a veil over the conduct of 
the Duke of Cumberland after the last rebellion. The indiscrim- 
inate punishments which he held out equally to the innocent and 
the guilty, are facts of notoriety much to be lamented. The in- 
tention may possibly, in some measure, excuse, though nothing 
can justify the barbarity of the measure. 

Let us, then, my countrymen, place our chief dependence on 
our virtue, and, by opposing the standard of despotism on its first 
appearance, secure ourselves against those acts in which a con- 
trary conduct will undoubtedly plunge us. I will venture to say, 
that there is no American so unreasonable as even to wish you to 
take the field against your friends from the other side of the At- 
lantick. All they expect or desire from you is, to remain neutral, 
and to contribute your proportion of the expenses of the war. 
This will be sufficient testimony of your attachment to the cause 
they espouse. As you participate of the blessings of the soil, it is 
but reasonable that you should bear a proportionate part of the 
disadvantages attending it. 

To the virtuous and deserving among the Americans, nothing 
can be more disagreeable than national reflections; they are, and 
must be, in the eyes of every judicious man, odious and contempt- 
ible, and bespeak a narrowness of soul which the virtuous are 
strangers to. Let not, then, any disrespectful epithets which the 
vulgar and illiterate may throw out, prejudice you against them; 
and endeavor to observe this general rule, dictated at least by 
humanity, 'that he is a good man who is engaged in a good cause.' 

Your enemies have said you are friends to absolute monarchy 
and despotism, and that you have offered yourselves as tools in 
the hands of Administration, to rivet the chains forging for your 
brethren in America. I hope and think my knowledge of you 
authorizes the assertion that you are friends to liberty, and the 
natural and avowed enemies of tyranny and usurpation. All of 
you, I doubt not, came into the Country with a determined resolu- 
tion of finishing here your days ; nor dare I doubt but that, fired 
with the best and noblest species of human emulation, you would 
wish to transmit to the rising generation that best of all patrimon- 
ies, the legacy of freedom. 

Private views, and offers of immediate reward, can only 
operate on base and unmanly minds. That soul in which the love 


of liberty ever dwelt must reject, with honest indignation, every 
idea of preferment, founded on the ruins of a virtuous and de- 
serving people. I would have you look up to the Constitution of 
Britain as the best and surest safeguard to your liberties. When- 
ever an attempt is made to violate its fundamental principles, 
every effort becomes laudable which may tend to preserve its 
natural purity and perfection. 

The warmest advocates for Administration have candor suf- 
ficient to admit that the people of Great Britain have no right to 
tax America. If they have not, for what are they contending? It 
will, perhaps, be answered, for the dignity of Government. Happy 
would it be for those who advance this doctrine to consider, that 
there is more real greatness and genuine magnanimity in acknowl- 
edging an error, than in persisting in it. Miserable must that 
state be, whose rulers, rather than give up a little punctilio, would 
endanger the lives of thousands of its subjects in a quarrel, the in- 
justice and impropriety of which is universally acknowledged. If 
the Americans wish for anything more than is set forth in the ad- 
dress of the last Congress to the King and people of Great Britain 
— if independence is their aim — by removing their real grievances, 
their artificial ones (if any they should avow) will soon appear, 
and with them will their cause be deserted by every friend to lim- 
ited monarchy, and by every well-wisher to the interests of Amer- 
ica. I have endeavored, in this uncultivated homespun essay, to 
avoid prolixity as much as possibly I could. I have aimed at no 
flowers of speech, no touches of rhetorick, which are too often 
made use of to amuse, and not to instruct or persuade the under- 
standing. I have no views but your good, and the credit of the 
Country from whence you came. 

In case Government should prevail, and be able to tax Amer- 
ica without the least show of representation, it would be to me a 
painful reflection to think, that the children of the land to which 
I owe my existence, should have been the cause of plunging mil- 
lions into perpetual bondage. 

If we cannot be of service to the cause, let us not be an in- 
jury to it. Let us view this Continent as a country marked out by 
the great God of nature as a receptacle for distress, and where the 
industrious and virtuous may range in the fields of freedom, 
happy under their own fig trees, freed from a swarm of petty 
tyrants, who disgrace countries the most polished and civilized, 
and who more particularly infest that region from whence you 

Scotius Americanus."* 

♦American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. Ill, p. 1649. 




Ingratitude of the Highlanders. 

"Brigadier-General Donald McDonald was in rebellion in 
the year 1745, against his lawful sovereign, and headed many of 
the same clan and name, who are now his followers. These emi- 
grants, from the charity and benevolence of the Assembly of 
North-Carolina, received large pecuniary contributions, and, to 
encourage them in making their settlements, were exempted from 
the payment of taxes for several years. It is a fact, that numbers 
of that ungrateful people, who have been lately in arms, when they 
arrived in Carolina, were without the necessaries of life — their 
passage even paid by the charitable contributions of the inhabi- 
tants. They have since, under every encouragement that the 
Province of North-Carolina could afford them, acquired fortunes 
very rapidlv, and thus they requite their benefactor. — Virginia 


Were the Highlanders Faithful to their Oath Taken by 

the Americans? 

General David Stewart, the faithful and admiring historian 
of the Highlanders, makes the following strange statements that 
need correction, especially in the view that the Highlander had a 
very high regard for his oath : After the battle of Guilford Court 
House "the British retired southward in the direction of Cross 
Creek, the Americans following close in the rear ; but nothing of 
consequence occurred. Cross Creek, a settlement of emigrant 
Highlanders, had been remarkable for its loyalty from the com- 
mencement of the war, and they now offered to bring 1,500 men 
into the field, to be commanded by officers from the line, to find 
clothing and subsistence for themselves, and to perform all duties 
whether in front, flanks, or rear; and they required nothing but 
arms and ammunition. This very reasonable offer was not re- 
ceived, but a proposition was made to form them into what was 
called a provincial corps of the line. This was declined by the 
emigrant Highlanders, and after a negotiation of twelve days, 
they retired to their settlements, and the army marched for Wil- 

*Ibid, Vol. IV, p. 983. 


mington, where they expected to find supplies, of which they 
now stood in great need. 

There was among these settlers a gentleman of the name of 
Macneil, who had been an officer in the Seven Years' War. He 
joined the army with several followers, but soon took his leave, 
having been rather sharply reprimanded for his treatment of a 
republican family. He was a man of tall stature, and command- 
ing aspect, and moved, when he walked among his followers, with 
all the dignity of a chieftain of old. Retaining his loyalty, al- 
though offended with the reprimand, he offered to surprise the re- 
publican garrison, the governor, and council, assembled at Willis- 
borough. He had three hundred followers, one-half of them old 
country Highlanders, the other half born in America, and the off- 
spring of Highlanders. The enterprise was conducted with ad- 
dress, and the governor, council, and garrison, were secured with- 
out bloodshed, and immediately marched off for Wilmington, 
Macneil and his party travelling by night, and concealing them- 
selves in swamps and woods by day. However, the country was 
alarmed, and a hostile force collected. He proceeded in zig-zag 
directions, for he had a perfect knowledge of the country, but 
without any provisions except what chance threw in his way. 
When he had advanced two-thirds of the route, he found the 
enemy occupying a pass which he must open by the sword, or 
perish in the swamps for want of food. At this time he had more 
prisoners to guard than followers. 'He did not secure his pris- 
oners by putting them to death ;' but, leaving them under a guard 
of half his force on whom he could least depend, he charged with 
the others sword in hand through the pass, and cleared it of the 
enemy, but was unfortunately killed from too great ardor in the 
pursuit. The enemy being dispersed, the party continued their 
march disconsolate for the loss of their leader ; but their oppon- 
ents again assembled in force, and the party were obliged to take 
refuge in the swamps, still retaining their prisoners. The British 
commander at Wilmington, hearing of Macneil's enterprise, 
marched out to his support, and kept firing cannon, in expectation 
the report would reach them in the swamps. The party heard the 
reports, and knowing that the Americans had no artillery, they 
ventured out of the swamps towards the quarter whence they 
heard the guns, and meeting with Major (afterwards Sir James) 
Craig, sent out to support them, they delivered over their prison- 
ers half famished with hunger, and lodged them safely in Wil- 
mington. Such partizans as these are invaluable in active war- 

*Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 119. 


Dr. James Browne, who follows Stewart very closely, gives* 
the first paragraph of the above quotation, but makes no reference 
to the exploit of Macneil. Keltie who copies almost literally from 
Dr. Browne, also gives f the first paragraph, but no reference to 
the second. 

General Stewart gives no clue as to the source of his infor- 
mation. If the number of Highlanders reported to have offered 
their services under such favorable conditions was true, lord 
Cornwallis was not in a position to refuse. He had been and still 
was on a very fatiguing campaign. His army was not only worn 
down but was greatly decimated by the fatigues of a long and 
harrassing march, and the results of two pitched battles. In his 
letter to Sir Henry Clinton, \ already quoted, not a word of this 
splendid relief is intimated. From lord Cornwallis' statement he 
must have made scarcely a stop at Cross Creek, in his flight from 
Guilford Court House to Wilmington. He says that at Cross 
Creek "there was not four days' forage within twenty miles" ; that 
he "determined to move immediately to Wilmington," and that 
"the Highlanders have not had so much time as the people of the 
upper country, to prove the sincerity of their friendship."! 
This would amount to positive proof that the Highlanders did 
not offer their services. The language of lord Cornwallis to lord 
George Germain, under date of Wilmington, North Carolina, 
April 18th, 1781, is even stronger: "The principal reasons for 
undertaking the Winter's Campaign were, the difficulty of a de- 
fensive War in South Carolina, & the hopes that our friends in 
North Carolina, who were said to be very numerous, would make 
good their promises of assembling & ts.king an Active part with 
us, in endeavouring to re-establish His Majesty's Government. 
Our experience has shown that their numbers are not so great as 
had been represented and that their friendship was only passive; 
For we have received little assistance from them since our arrival 
in the province, and altho' I gave the strongest & most pulick as- 
surances that after refitting & depositing our Sick and Wounded, 
I should return to the upper Country, not above two hundred have 
been prevailed upon to follow us either as Provincials or Militia." 
Colonel Tarleton, the principal officer under lord Cornwallis, ob- 
serves : "Notwithstanding the cruel persecution the inhabitants 
of Cross creek had constantly endured for their partiality to the 
British, they yet retained great zeal for the interest of the royal 

*History of the Highland Clans, Vol. IV, p. 274. fHistory of the High- 
land Clans, Vol. II, p. 473. }See page 141. HCornwallis' Letter to 
Sir Henry Clinton, April 10, 1781. 


army. All the flour and spirits in the neighborhood were col- 
lected and conveyed to camp, and the wounded officers and sol- 
diers were supplied with many conveniences highly agreeable and 
refreshing to men in their situation. After some expresses were 
dispatched to lord Rawdon, to advertise him of the movements of 
the British and Americans, and some wagons were loaded with 
provisions, earl Cornwallis resumed his march for Wilmington."* 
Not a word is said of the proposed reinforcement by the High- 
landers. Stedman, who was an officer under lord Cornwallis, and 
was with him in the expedition, says:f "Upon the arrival of the 
British commander at Cross Creek, he found himself disappointed 
in all his expectations : Provisions were scarce : Four days' for- 
age not to be procured within twenty miles ; and the communica- 
tion expected to be opened between Cross Creek and Wilmington, 
by means of the river, was found to be impracticable, the river 
itself being narrow, its banks high, and the inhabitants, on both 
sides, for a considerable distance, inveterately hostile. Nothing 
therefore now remained to be done but to proceed with the army 
to Wilmington, in the vicinity of which it arrived on the seventh 
of April. The settlers upon Cross Creek, although they had un- 
dergone a variety of persecutions in consequence of their previous 
unfortunate insurrections, still retained a warm attachment to 
their mother-country, and during the short stay of the army 
amongst them, all the provisions and spirits that could be collected 
within a convenient distance, were readily brought in, and the 
sick and wounded plentifully supplied with useful and comfort- 
able refreshments." Again he says (page 348) : "Lord Corn- 
wallis was greatly disappointed in his expectations of being joined 
by the lovalists. Some of them indeed came within the lines, but 
they only remained a few days." Nothing however occurs con- 
cerning Highland enlistments or their desire so to engage with 
the army. General Samuel Graham, then an officer in Fraser's 
Highlanders, in his "Memoirs," though speaking of the march to 
Cross Creek, is silent about Highlanders offering their services. 
Nor is it at all likely, that, in the sorry plight the British army 
reached Cross Creek in, the Highlanders would unite, especially 
when the outlook was gloomy, and the Americans were pressing 
on the rear. 

As to the exploit of Macneil, beyond all doubt, that is a con- 
fused statement of the capture of Governor Burke, at Hillsboro, 
by the notorious Colonel David Fanning. This was in Septem- 

♦Campaigns of 1780-1781, p. 281. fHistory of the American War, Vol. II, 
p. 352. 


ber 1781. His report states, "We killed 15 of the rebels, and 
wounded 20; and took upwards of 200 prisoners; amongst them 
was the Governor, his Council, and part of the Continental Col- 
onels, several captains and subalterns, and 71 continental soldiers 
out of a church." Colonel Fanning was a native of Wake County, 
North Carolina, and had no special connection with the High- 
landers; but among his followers were some bearing Highland 
names. The majority of his followers, who were little better than 
highway robbers, had gathered to his standard as the best repre- 
sentative of the king in North Carolina, after the defeat at 
Moore's Creek. 

There is not and never has been a Willisborough in North 
Carolina. There is a Williamsboro in Granville county, but has 
never been the seat of government even for a few days. Hills- 
boro, practically, was the capital in 1781. 

The nearest to an organization of Highlanders, after Moore's 
Creek, was Hamilton's Loyal North Carolina regiment; but this 
was made up of refugees from over all the state. 

It is a fact, according to both history and tradition, that after 
the battle of Moore's Creek, the Highlanders as a race were quiet. 
The blow at Moore's Creek taught them a needed lesson, and as 
an organization gave no more trouble. Whatever numbers, 
afterwards entered the British service, must have been small, and 
of little consequence. 

Marvellous Escape of Captain McArthur. 

The following narration I find in the "Celtic Magazine," vol. 
I. 1875-76, pp. 209-213 and 241-245. How much of it is true I 
am unable to discover. Undoubtedly the writer, in some parts, 
draws on his imagination. Unfortunately no particulars are given 
concerning either the previous or subsequent life of Captain Mc- 
Arthur. We are even deprived of the knowledge of his Chris- 
tian name, and hence cannot identify him with the same individ- 
ual mentioned in the text. 

Upon the defeat of the Highlanders at Moore's Creek, 
"Captain McArthur of the Highland Regiment of Volunteers, 
was apprehended and committed to the county jail. in the town of 
Cross-Creek. But the gallant officer determined to make a death 
grasp for effecting his escape ; and happily for him the walls of 
his confinement were not of stone and mortar. In his lonely 
prison, awaiting his fate, and with horrid visions of death haunt- 


ing him, he summons up his muscular strength and courage, and 
with incredible exertion he broke through the jail by night, and 
once more enjoyed the sweets of liberty. Having thus made his 
escape he soon found his way to the fair partner of his joys and 
sorrows. It needs hardly be said that her astonishment was only 
equalled by her raptures of joy. She, in fact, became so over- 
powered with the unexpected sight that she was for the moment 
quite overcome, and unable to comply with the proposal of taking 
an immediate flight from the enemy's country. She soon, how- 
ever, regains her sober senses, and is able to grasp the reality of 
the situation, and fully prepared with mental nerve and courage 
to face the scenes of hardship and fatigue which lay before them. 
The thought of flight was, indeed, a hazardous one. The journey 
to the sea board was far and dangerous; roads were miserably 
constructed, and these, for the most part, had to be avoided ; un- 
broken forests, immense swamps, and muddy creeks were almost 
impassable barriers ; human habitations were few and far between, 
and these few could scarcely be looked to as hospitable asylums; 
enemies would be on the lookout for the capture of the 'Old Tory,' 
for whose head a tempting reward had been offered; and withal, 
the care of a tender infant lay heavy upon the parental hearts, and 
tended to impede their flight. Having this sea of troubles loom- 
ing before them, the imminent dangers besetting their path, you 
can estimate the heroism of a woman who was prepared to brave 
them all. But when you further bear in mind that she had been 
bred in the ease and delicate refinements of a lairdly circle at home, 
you can at once conceive the hardships to be encountered vastly 
augmented, and the moral heroism necessary for such an under- 
taking to be almost incredible, finding its parallel only in the life 
of her famous countrywoman, the immortal 'Flora.' Still, life is 
dear, and a desperate attempt must be made to preserve it — she is 
ready for any proposal. So off they start at the dead hour of mid- 
night, taking nothing but the scantiest supply of provisions, of 
which our heroine must be the bearer, while the hardy sire took 
his infant charge in his folded plaid over one shoulder, with the 
indispensable musket slung over the other. Thus equipped for the 
march, they trudge over the heavy sand, leaving the scattered 
town of Cross-Creek behind in the distance, and soon find them- 
selves lost to all human vision in the midst of the dense forest. 
There is not a moment to lose ; and onward they speed under cover 
of night for miles and miles, and for a time keeping the main road 
to the coast. Daylight at length lightened their path, and bright 
sunrays are pouring through the forest. But that whi